The Rantidi Forest Excavations Preliminary Report 1996-2007* Georgia Bonny Bazemore (Eastern Washington University)

1. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND: THE NEED FOR EXCAVATIONS The Cypriote Syllabary and the Mycenaean adoption of Aphrodite, the Queen of Cyprus Of all the cultural attributes which ancient Cyprus shared, received, or promulgated, none is so distinctly Cypriote as the writing system unique to the island, the so-called Cypriote syllabary. Modem scholars have defined this writing system by its internal structure, which is strictly limited to representing syllables of two types of phonetic unit only, a vowel alone, or a consonant followed by a vowel. This writing system has economized the number of signs needed by collapsing voiced, unvoiced, and aspirated forms of labials, velars, and dentals each under a single series of signs; all five vowels are expressed for each recognized consonant. Both digamma and an inter-vocalic glide translated as 'y' are treated as consonants each having complete vowel representation. The full theoretical paradigm of the Cypriote syllabary contains 60-65 signs, of which only around 56 are attested and have assured phonetic values. Although considered awkward by modem readers accustomed to alphabetic literacy, in fact the Cypriote syllabary is recognized by linguists and grammatologists as among the most sophisticated and elegant writing systems ever invented, rivaling in simplicity and functionality the modem Japanese syllabary. The oldest syllabic inscription yet recovered records a Greek word in the Arcadian dialect incised upon a bronze obelos found in a tomb in ancient Paphos. This tomb contained three buri-

als covering the entire Cypro-Geometric period, ca 1050-950 B.C. In addition to the syllabic inscription upon the obelos, objects carrying signs distinctive to the Bronze Age CyproMinoan writing system were recovered from this tomb as well. Karageorghis and Masson have dated the inscribed obelos to the second half of the 11th century B.C.l Paphian use of the Cypriote syllabic writing system differed from that throughout the rest of

" Great thanks go to Dr G. Benjamin Lantz, former President of the University of Indianapolis, whose keen interest in archaeology provided the initial impetus and funding for the Rantidi Forest Excavations; thanks go also to his successor Dr J. Israel who continued the support of this project. Thanks go also to Manthos Mavromatis, who provided much logistical support. Dr Philip H. Young was the Director of the University of Indianapolis Field School of Archaeology and participated in this site for 1997-1999. The RFE are especially grateful to Dr Sophocles Hadjisavvas for his kind and unfailing support and continual advice for the survey and rescue excavations. We also thank the N.K. Lanitis company and the Lanitis family for allowing work on their private land in anticipation of their development of this area. Special thanks go to Adrian Turgel, whose knowledge, enthusiasm and energy was essential to the many rescue excavations necessary. Dr Carole McCartney is our lithics expert, and her aid and advice were essential in the discovery and interpretation of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic remains. Thanks also go to Dean V. Shields of Eastern Washington University for her support for the continuation of our mission. We thank the Loeb Classical Foundation for the grant which has allowed the 2007 study season. A warm thanks goes also to Dr Pavlos Flourentzos, whose kind support, advice, and friendship has been enjoyed over the years. I. V. Karageorghis 1980, 123, 134-35; idem 1983,59-76; and Masson 1983, 411; Bazemore 2002, 158-59. E. Bennett's (in Powell 1991, 90 n. 42) analysis of the sign forms of this inscription should be disregarded, see Masson 1994, 33-36 and Bazemore 2002, 158-59 with notes.

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the island. First, Paphian writers sought to distinguish their use of this distinctly Cypriote script by altering a subset of sign forms, the 'Paphian' signary,2 in a deliberate attempt at formal archaization. This archaization has led several modern scholars to argue the Paphian invention of the Cypriote syllabary3 However archaic in appearance, the Paphian sign forms are mere distortions of the sign forms used throughout the remainder of the island, the so-called 'Common' signary4 Indeed, the obelos of Opheltas, with its mixture of Common and Paphian forms,s reflects the earliest stage of this development. At the same time that the Mycenaean Greeks of Paphos are adopting and revising the Cypriote syllabic writing system, they are also busy adopting the goddess of this island for their new home as well. Mycenaean syncretization of the native goddess of Cyprus to mainland Greek religion is reflected in the epic tradition. Thus, while the Iliad ignores Aphrodite's relation to Cyprus, the writer of the Odyssey, as well as Hesiod and Pindar, recognizes ancient Paphos as both the bitt,hplace and the home of the goddess. Such recognition \s reflected in the new epithets which appear for Aphrodite, who is now referred to as Paphia, and more generally, Kypria6 Indeed, the association of Greek Aphrodite with ancient Paphos could have come from no other source than the Mycenean settlers themselves. The intimate link between the Mycenaean adoption of the Cypriote syllabic writing system and their adoption of the native Cypriote goddess is emphasized by the archaeological remains. For, as the fame of the Paphian cult spread throughout Greece, a veritable frenzy of syllabic inscribing took place in the Paphian state. From the 10'h century to the 6th century B.C., lapidaries in the kingdom of Paphos created more syllabic inscriptions on stone than at any other time or place in the ancient world. Of the 1,498 published syllabic inscriptions, 531 come from Paphos alone. The newly discovered inscriptions of the Rantidi sanctuary, more than 40 in number, make these statistics become even more powerful. A full 37.2%, or well over 1/3 of all Cypriote

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syllabic inscriptions, were created by a single city kingdom alone. These archaeologically visible manifestations of literacy were limited to the ritual life of two sanctuaries: that found in the Rantidi Forest, and the, as yet unlocated, sanctuary of the Paphian kings. II. EXCAVATION OBJECTIVES Primary Objectives: The primary objective of the Rantidi Forest Excavations (RFE) is the investigation of the archaeological context of syllabic writing. Specifically, we undertook to understand the circumstances under which syllabic symbols would be placed upon stone, and the social, cultural, andlor ritual meaning these marks held. Although statistically, the preserved siege mound inscriptions are more numerous than those of the Rantidi Forest, they are ex-situ, having been ripped out of their original context to be used in the Persian siege mound. For this reason, the sanctuary in the Rantidi Forest provides by far the best evidence in which to observe the use of syllabic writing in its original, titual context.

2. 3.

Mitford Masson

1961, pis IV, VTJJ; Masson 1983,66, fig. 5. and Masson 1983,41 I; E. Masson 1987,373;

Karageorghis 1981, 112; Banrain Collornbier 1991, 426-27; O. Masson 4. A fact first recognized nature of the Paphian

V.

1991,406-408,421; 1995, 64.

by Milford 1960a, 181. The secondary signary is easily seen in their peculiar

treatment of Common signs with double chevrons, downwards, one above the other: the fpil consisting

pointing of chev-

rons only, /01 with chevrons and a single lower horizontal line, and Isol with chevrons and two [o\ver horizontal lines. Paphian scribes transformed these double chevrons into a single vertical line, creming the Paphian forms of 10/ and Isol; the Common sign for Ipil however, could not be so altered, as a single vertical line standing atone is the Cypriote convemion of a phrase or line end. The Paphian scribes were forced then to leave the Common Ipil unaltered. Each sign in the Paphian signary can be explained in this way; (hese changes are documented and discussed press), and Bazemore (forthcoming). 5. This inscription

displays

by Bazemore

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a common 101, but a Paphian /lei and

luI. 6. Odyssey 8.359-366; 6; Hesiod Theogany Pythian 2.13-18.

Homeric Hymns 5.53-57, 6.1-18, 10.1188-200: Theognis 1275-1278; Pindar

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Secondary Objectives: Excavation was extended far beyond the original goal of the sanctuary site itself as the RFE was requested to survey the entire plain of Kapsalia in preparation for the development of this area for the Aphrodite Hills resort and golf complex. This provided an excellent opportunity for the study of an ancient Cypriote sanctuary in its regional context. Special attention was paid to the landscape and its use over time. III. THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE RANTIDI FOREST The special placement of the sanctuary in the Rantidi Forest is central to its function and role in the ancient Paphian kingdom. The city of ancient Paphos sits on the eastern end of a well-watered, very fertile coastal plain which extends west to modern Paphos and the western coast of the island. To the east of ancient Paphos, however, this plain ends abruptly at the Kha POlami gorge, where a southward extension of the Troodos mountain range blocks coastal passage eastward until the city of ancient Kourion. For this reason, the ancient road to the east turned inland, to the north, negotiating the natural valleys and passageways through this difficult, mountainous terrain.? Geography, then, dictated that the ancient road run through the elevated plain known today as Kapsalia. Bounded by the Kha Potami gorge to the west, and the smaller, but still deep, gorge of the Argaki Kalakomorolsos to the east, the plain of Kapsalia is a distinct, bounded geographical unit. To the north, the plain of Kapsalia narrows, ending at the bottom of a steep hilltop whose sides drop dramatically down into the Kha Potami gorge to the west, and the A rgarki Katakomorotsos in the east.' This hilltop today is known as Lingrin lou Digeni, or the playing stone of Diogenes, after the large amount of building stone scattered upon its top and southern slope. Other than stones cut and used for buildings, no natural stone scatter has been observed

in the Kapsalia plain. Lingrin tou Digeni is situated 6km. along the ancient road from Paphos. This hilltop boasts a commanding view of the temple of Aphrodite below as well as across the entire coastal plain to the sea off the western coast more than 28km. away. As the terrain around Lingrin tou Digeni is impassable to the south, the ancient road ran directly beneath the northern slope of the sanctuary, skirting the edge of the Kha POlami gorge at a point where it falls away abruptly and steeply; indeed, the bedrock of the hillside had to be cut away in several places to allow passage at this point. At the northeastern end of the sanctuary hill, the lower slopes of a high, long hill encroach upon the bottom of the sanctuary, forcing the road into a narrow defile. Thus, road traffic could not only be closely monitored at this point, but, with little effort, closed off altogether. Although larger and higher hills abound in this area, none have the visual overview of the Paphian plain nor the strategic potential as did the sanctuary site of Lingrin tou Digeni. A further consideration in regards the importance of this geographic emplacement is the fact that, before the advent of the modern road, the birthplace of Aphrodite, if located at the modern Pelra tou Romiou, could only be reached via the Kapsa/ia plain. IV. PREVIOUS EXCAVATIONS AND SURVEYS OF THE SITE

Loss of Stone and Objects The Paphian siege mound material, although ex-situ, has been preserved largely intact through its burial and preservation in that very siege mound itself. Careful study and consideration, however, makes it apparent that much of the

7. Milford 1939, ISS fig. 10, 194-97, who says [hat "this passage of the Ranlidi forest has only changed with the advent of the mOlor," 8. Bazemore 2002, 160-63. with fig. I map.

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material from Lingrin lou Digeni has been intentionally removed, reused, and destroyed over time. The richness and variety of the material sti II being produced from this site is a testament to the extreme wealth and importance of this sanctuary in antiquity.

The Richest Sanctuary on Cyprus: The Excavations of 1910 The site of Lingrin lou Digeni came to the attention of archaeologists and scholars as a result of the looting of the site in 1909 for building stone by farmers residing in the Kha Polami valley, Michailis and Evelthon Apostolides and their gardener Yiangos Hadisavvas. Syllabic inscriptions from this site were sold to the antiquities dealer Kleanthis Pierides, and displayed in his shop window in Limassol where they were seen by Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, who was at that time on his final visit to the island. In early May, 1910, Ohnefalsch-Richter made his first visit to the site. Among the most experienced of all archaeologists in Cyprus, Ohnefalsch-Richter had excavated more than 72 sanctuary sites throughout the island prior to his visit to the Rantidi Forest. In comparison to all his previous discoveries, Ohnefalsch-Richter considered the sanctuary at Lingrin lou Digeni to be by far the richest on the island. Indeed, he described this site as a virtual Cypriote "Mount Olympus" of the gods.9 Himself under official disapproval at the time, Ohnefalsch-Richter was instrumental in bringing R. Zahn from the Staatliche Museen in Berlin to excavate the site. Zahn, under the supervision of I.e. Peristianes, undertook excavations of the site from 30 August - 7 October, 1910. They uncovered the remains of at least six buildings with foundations of finely dressed stone and several rock-cut chambers, described as tombs, but used as bothroi. Peristianes reports that in a single large three-chambered tomb they found "1329 fragments of colossal terracotta male and female statues as well as of small clay statuettes and figurines; also fragments of phalli, of big jars, oenochoai, cups of the Graeo-Phoenician

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and Graeco-Roman period, Attic vases ... fragments of heads of a young and bearded Dionysos and clay idols representing satyrs". Such results were repeated throughout the excavated site. In all, Zahn and Peristianes recovered more than J 38 syllabic inscriptions and in excess of 2,300 pieces of statuettes, life-sized, and twice lifesized fragments of terfacotta statues, all of which were transported to the Cyprus Museum in Lefkosia. Zahn, unfortunately, issued no report on his excavations, nor did he return to the island for any further work. It is the able Peristianes to whom we owe all our information for these excavations.1O These objects languished in the Cyprus Museum, unstudied and untouched, until Mitford began his work on these inscriptions in 1955. By that time, the paint of Zahn's original numbers has worn off and many inscriptions could not be identified. The entirety of the terracotta statues could not be located and their whereabouts are still unknown. Only the syllabic inscriptions of Rantidi have received systematic publication, and this due solely to the tenacious efforts of Mitford. II

The 1955 Plowing Several of the ancient buildings uncovered by Zahn were disturbed or destroyed when the Agricultural Department of the Cyprus Government cleared the hilltop of Lingrin lOUDigeni of shrub and ploughed the area in preparation of planting fodder grasses.

The 1955 Survey Mitford, excavating the siege mound at Kouklia at this time, visited Lingrin lou Vigeni soon after this ploughing had taken place. The purpose of Mitford's visit at this time was to establish the relationship between the sanctuary at Lingrin lou Digeni and the Temple of

9. Ohnefalsch-Richter 1911. 10. Peristianes 1910-191l. 1I. Mitford and Masson 1983. 3~II deals briefly with the history of the site; see also Bazemore 2002, 163-65.

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Aphrodite below. The presence of dressed stone on the surface confirmed the fact that at least one building wall had been destroyed. This survey produced 21 new syllabic inscriptions; it is not known at this time how many statue fragments were observed and/or collected. The 1979-1980 Survey The current excavator of ancient Paphos, Franz Maier, was also responsible for the publication of Mitford's manuscript on the Rantidi inscription after the latter's death. He too wanted to establish the exact site of the 1910 excavations, as well as to explore the relationship of Lingrin tou Digeni with the other sanctuaries of ancient Paphos. Maier's survey produced more than 550 statue fragments and as well as pottery dating from the Geometric to the Roman period.12

building stone and inscriptions of the sanctuary of Lingrin tou Digeni were attractive enough for the Apostolides brothers to have walked up from the Kha Potami valley to rob the site, it is an inescapable conclusion that the stone fed into the lime kilns shared the same origin. It cannot be imagined how many of these stones bore incised syllabic signs, As will be related below, building stone from the sanctuary of Lingrin tou Digeni was reused in the few buildings found outside the sanctuary as well. Despite all of these depredations, however, this sanctuary site still remains among the richest yet to be excavated in Cyprus. V. THE SANCTUARY SITE OF LINGRIN TOU DIGENI Material Remains

The 1992 Survey

Ceramics

Despite previous excavation and survey, the site of Lingrin tou Digeni remained little known. During my doctoral studies focusing on the Cypriote syllabic inscriptions, it soon became obvious that no understanding of this writing system could ignore the most prolific inscribing site on the island. For this reason, I set out to locate this elusive site. In association with Stuart Swiny of the Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute, this site was relocated and more than 200 pieces of statuettes, statues, and over lifesized statues, as well as one syllabic inscription, were found littering the ground. These objects were handed over to the Department of Antiquities. It was in response to this brief survey and the continuing richness of this site that I, under the auspices of the University of Indianapolis, requested and received an excavation permit for the hilltop sanctuary of Lingrin tou Digeni.

Although the primary objective of the Rantidi Forest Excavations, limited excavation was carried out in the sanctuary precinct itself. This was due to the necessity of survey and excavation on the Kapsa/ia plain in anticipation of the development of the Aphrodite Hills golf resort which has now taken place in the area.

Lime Kilns Survey undertaken in 1997 confirmed the information on the cadastral plans for the Rantidi Forest. Four lime kilns have been erected and operated on the Kapsa/ia plain alone. As the

The ceramic assemblage found by the RFE, like that found by previous surveys, indicates that this sacred hilltop was in continual use from the Late Bronze Age down to the early Imperial period of Rome. Thus, the shrine of Lingrin tou Digeni appears to have been in use for more than a miJlennium, during the most well documented periods of Cypriote history. The earliest vessel yet recovered from the site is a Middle-Late Bronze Age globular jug with incised decoration, missing both handle and spout (Fig. I). Fragments of several such vessels have been recovered, primarily from the eastern slopes of Lingrin tou Digeni and for 300-400m. to the east of the site.

12. Maier in Mitford and Masson 1983, 19-22.

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Fig. 1 (1 :2)

The ceramic assemblage found at Lingrin tou Digeni is quite dissimilar to the contemporaneous ceramic assemblage found at nearby Palaipafos-Skales. Most of the pottery at Rantidi seems to have been locally produced, made of the distinctive redlorange local clay, tempered with large red rock inclusions. This pottery seemed not to have been fired at a high temperature, and thus, after almost 3,000 years, is now soft and crumbly. Further, painted decoration has not survived well. Numerous sherds, highly adorned at the time of production, now carry little or no decoration at all. This circumstance serves, unfortunately, to obscure the evidence of the ceramic record. Such is the case for this large jar rim, from a smaller pithos, which carries the remains of geometric painted decoration. Made of the distinctive local clay, both the clay and the decoration are in an advanced state of deterioration (Fig. 2). The same observation can be made for

Fig. 2 (I :2)

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material of later date. Black-on-Red pottery with concentric circle decoration is found in great quantities in this sanctuary. However, few sherds show the hardness and durability which this pottery type displays elsewhere in the island. Rather, the majority of BOR sherds found at Lingrin tou Digeni are made of much softer fabric, light orange in colour, with small, red inclusions; the decoration is often abraded and in poor quality when found today. It is believed at this time that the softer fabric of less durability is a local imitation (Fig. 3). Terracotta Figurines and Statues Lingrin tau Digeni has long been noted for the number of terracotta statues which it has produced and the site continues to impress. A large number of figurines, especially those of the socalled "snow-man" type, statuettes, and life-sized and over life-sized statue fragments continue to be found. All are made of the disti nctive ceramic material which seems to be unique to this site. While statue fragments are found throughout the site, most continue to be found in the roadway at the eastern end of the acropolis hill. Maier's 1979-80 survey noted this occurrence as well. Here, these fragments seem to be bleeding out of one of more bothroi situated at the entrance to the Chalcolithic site on the hilltop opposite. Repeated survey has been unable to locate the origin of these fragments: however this continues to be an important source for this type of material. Only

Fig. 3 (I :2)

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statue fragments are found in this area, and it seems that no pottery was included in this ritual deposit. Over 450 such fragments have been gathered during the RFE excavations and survey of this site. "Snow-man" figurines are quite numerous and are limited to the type of male figures, both arms to the side, wearing a conical hat. None yet have been found complete; few have facial details remaining. These upper bodies were mounted on long cylindrical tubes which are punched underneath, perhaps to help them stand upright (Fig. 4). Both male and female statuettes have been found. A foot with an insert hole for the leg tells us much about the creation of these statuettes (Fig. 5). Two important and interesting statuette fragments have recentl y been found. One is the chin and mouth of a smiling woman; unfortunately the head above the nose has been lost. It is both easy and seductive to see here the face of the goddess Aphrodite herself (Fig. 6). An extraordinary piece recently found depicts the face of the demon-god Bes with incisions indicating deep scars on his face, nose and upper lip; this is the only indication of the presence of this deity yet found at the sanctuary site (Fig. 7). Statues reveal types of clothing worn, such as these pleats which might have formed part of the dress of male armour (Fig. 8). Most interesting is a single sherd whose decoration is reminiscent of an animal skin, perhaps wool (Fig. 9). Identifiable parts of life-sized statues include feet, hands, hair, and eyes (Fig. 10). Statue fragments which are comparable to the size of an adult male today may well have been significantly over lifesized compared to the size of male adults at the time of manufacture, over 2,500 years ago. Statue fragments are quite informative for quotidian details now archaeologically unrecoverable. Several styles in the arrangement of the hair are represented, including 'dreadlocks', bangs, and Assyrian-style finger curls. Varieties of footgear are found as well, including a sandal-type shoe with a strap between the first and second toes,

bare feet, and a type of shoe which fully covers the foot. In some cases, the original paint can still be discerned, as on this face fragment, in which the hair, eyebrow, and pupil are rendered in black paint (Fig. ll). Rantidi Erotica Aphrodite being the goddess of love, it is not surprising that the Rantidi Forest Excavations continue to find erotica which has been dedicated at this sanctuary. A terracotta female figurine whose limbs are arranged as if in the act of coitus and whose female sex was emphasized by incisions made pre-firing has been published.13 More recent seasons have produced a second nude female statuette whose sex is emphasized by incisions made pre-firing. Furthermore, a monumental stone phallus has also been found, 40cm. in height, 20cm. in diameter (Fig. 12). Although such stone phalli have been found in Cha1colithic contexts, and indeed there is a large Cha1colithic site situated to the northeast of the sanctuary hill, no material from this much earlier period is associated with this find.

Fig. 12 (t:8)

Cult Objects - Horns of Consecration No objects recorded from the 1910 excavations could be considered an object of cult, such

13. Bazemore 2000.

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Fig. 6 (1:2) Fig. 4 (I :2)

Fig. 5 (1:2)

Fig. 9 (I:t)

Fig, 7 (I: I)

Fig. 8 (I :2)

Fig. 10

Fig. I t (I: I)

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as the black, aniconic stone from the Temple of Aphrodite below. However it is noted that 'horns of consecration' were venerated on the site. An intact example was found measuring 28cm. in height, 47.5cm. in width, and 15.5cm. in thickness. A second example was unfortunately broken in half, preserving only one horn; it was of similar dimensions to its complete counterpart. Other cultic objects in stone are expected to be uncovered during further exploration of the large mandra built from the sanctuary stone at the southwest corner of the temple site. The Syllabic Inscriptions

The primary purpose of excavations in this area was to investigate the archaeological context of writing in ancient Cyprus. Mitford's collection contains more than 173 inscribed stones from this site. Some of these inscribed stones at least seem to have been used for statue bases.'4 Many others, however, have a rounded, shallow bowl carved into and otherwise flat face at the top; the locals have given the name 'dog bowls' to this peculiar stone shape. IS As these stones show no traces of burning, it is believed that these shallow bowls received liquid offerings, such as wine, incense or perfume, or even blood.'6 These theories find support in the evident wear patterns from pouring liquids seen in the bowls above certain inscriptions.17 The contents of the Rantidi inscriptions are extremely laconic, and seldom exceed a single name.ls As Milford has rightly noted, although most of these are Greek personal names, a number are indeed in the Eteo-Cypriote language.19 Two inscriptions only supply information beyond a proper name and a patronym. One Phylotimos is described as a perfumer maker, µvQo fOQy6C;, and a single dedication is made to the 'god who speaks'.20 The findings of the Rantidi Forest Excavations adds considerably to this corpus of material. An inscribed stone with a shallow bowl above carries a complete name on the front. This stone is 26.2cm. high, 55.4cm. in width and 30.6cm. in depth (Fig. 13). This stone weighs approximately

BAZEMORE

400 pounds and is very difficult to move even with the effort of several large persons. It is perhaps for this reason of the difficulty of movement that the inscriptions on these stones were so often erased and reinscribed. Indeed, traces of palimpsest can be seen on this stone. Despite the debris, however, five signs of the Paphian signary can clearly be read: pi fo ko ra u, the name of Philagoras in the same Arcado-Cyprian genitive form found used for the name of Opheltas incised on his bronze obelos. One inscription found by the RFE is truly extraordinary indeed. Although generally shaped like a typical 'dog bowl' on top, the left hand side has been carved into two round, deep offering bowls, separated from one another by a rounded cut. This stone is 15cm. in height, 44cm. wide, and 29.7cm. in depth (Fig. 14). The shape of this stone finds no parallel in the entire corpus of stones inscribed with Cypriote syllabic signs. The reading of this stone, too, offers no parallel in the known Cypriote nomenclature; reading from right to left, in Paphian characters, are the signs 0 ro Ie ? ? Although as many as two signs are lost to the left, this sign sequence is unparalleled. It may well belong to an Eteo-cypriote name.

14. Bazemore 2002, 165-66, fig. 10. 15. Mitford and Masson 1983,28. "But it seems that in other Cypriot sanctuaries the basins or 'dog bowls' were not in use". 16. Mitford 1958, 121. 125-26. Masson in Mitford and Masson 1983,28. Bazemore 2002, 180-89 discusses the cult of this death and resurrection deity and its location within a large necropolis; Burkert 1979, 102-11 discusses the cuItic roles of ritual castration and the bleeding out of the object of the death and resurrection ritual, Adonis. 17. See Mitford and Masson 1983, pI. 18:37b for a good example. 18. Mitford and Masson 1983,27-30, indeed Masson says that "inscriptions ....this word is often too ambitious for the brief documents of Rantidi"; Bazemore 2002, 166-67. 19. O. Masson's bias in reading all syllabic texts as Greek, going so far as to amend texts to achieve a Greek language reading, has been discussed in Bazemore 2001. Further, Masson vociferously denied any Eteo-Cypriote reading achieved by other scholars, especially T.B. Mitford, see, for example, Mitford and Masson 1983, 27. 20. Mitford and Masson 1983, nos 1 and 2.

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Fig. 13 (I :6)

Fig. 15 (I :6)

Fig. t4 (I :6)

Fig, 16 (1:4)

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Most of the inscriptions found are either incomplete or carry but a single sign. Both are frequent occurrences in the sanctuary of Lingrin tou Digeni. Inscriptions of particular interest include this incomplete bowl with the signs ri pi separated by a punctuation mark (Fig. 15); the shape of the Irif with no lower vertical stroke is notable. The end of a broken inscription contained the signs ra mu followed by a vertical line used by the Cypriotes as a punctuation mark; once again this sign series is unparalleled. Often, however, an inscription is complete with but a single sign (Fig. 16). More than 42 other inscriptions in addition to these ones discussed here have been found. Architectural and Cultic Remains The Sanctuary Layout Repeated survey and excavation confirm that the Iron Age cult activity was concentrated on the hilltop itself. The highest part of the hilltop measures approximately 180 X 85m. at its maximal extent. Cult buildings have been found only on the western half of the hillside and down the western slope to the plain below. One explanation for the lack of building activity on the eastern part of the hilltop could be the presence of altars in this area. Unfortunately, Zahn's reports were so sketchy that the location of these altars cannot yet be confirmed. Artificial Features

Emplacement

of Natural Ceo logic

Another interesting feature seen on the eastern part of the hilltop is the presence of a very large slab of conglomerate, at least 10m. square and almost 2m. in height, which seems to have originally been situated on top of the hill, but now is slowly sliding down the southeastern slope. This conglomerate consists of watersmoothed pebbles in a concrete-like matrix; such formations are seen in road cuts throughout the western part of the Kapsalia plain as one of many geologic layers exposed. However, the presence of such a feature upon the loose sand which cov-

BAZEMORE

ers the hill is not seen elsewhere, leaving the conclusion that this conglomerate was cut from the native rock of the area and deposited manually upon the hilltop. The ritual significance of such an act is not apparent, but the work and effort needed for this placement is impressive indeed. Both east and west of the original deposition of this conglomerate are mounds. Too far away from Zahn's original excavation to be his dumps for dirt, these mounds 100k artificial and may well conceal ancient ruins of importance. Rock-cut Lustral Basins In the centre of the hilltop, a stepped basin has been carved into the exposed bedrock. This basin is ca 45cm. wide and ca 70cm. long; the steps are 1O-l3cm. in depth. The bottom of the basin slopes down, and marks made by the pouring of liquids into the basin at the deeper end are apparent. Both Ohnefalsch-Richter's drawing and Zahn's photographs indicate that this basin stood opposite the entrance of Temple Site 1, and interpreted this feature as a lustral basin in which worshippers would be anointed in some way before entering the sacred building itselP' Two other lustral basins have been found on the southern edge of the hilltop above the favissae there. These basins are deteriorating as the side of the hill erodes. In neither were pour marks detected and neither, as far as is known, is associated with any building. The Temple Buildings uncovered in 1910 As it seems that Zahn had before us, the RFE used the rock-cut lustral basin in the centre of the hill as the starting point of our excavations. Our first objective was to confirm the building foundations uncovered by Zahn, his so-called Temple 1. In this effort, however, we were sorely disappointed. Although building stone littered the area heavily, excavation down to bedrock revealed no remaining walls. It is assumed that Zahn's trenches were left open, as the mounds of his

21. Mitford and Masson 1983, pis 1:2, 4: 1-2.

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187

backfill are still visible today. The loss of these walls then could be due either to stone robbing for building or burning in the kilns, or as a result of the plowing of the site, of which at least one instance has been documented. Excavation continued to the west of Zahn's Temple Site I, where the entrance to a rock-cut chamber was uncovered in square SW 104; our grid plan was set up so that the southern line of this square was level with the central rock-cut lustral basin, but 20m. to the west. This chamber was created by excavating into the bedrock to a depth of about 1.35m. then turning inward to excavate a large chamber, semicircular in shape and about 5.35m. from front to back. The depth of this chamber is not known, as excavation inside is not complete. The result is a chamber with a forecourt. Although the forecourt is only a bit more than a metre in width, it can easily accommodate a large adult of modern proportions. It seems that this chamber was open and in constant use during the first phases of sanctuary use. This is indicated by the need to formally block off the entrance to this chamber by a stone wall at some later date, when the foundation of Zahn's Temple Site 2 was being laid (Fig. 17). The southeastern corner of Zahn's Temple Site 2 has been recovered, and its appears that the eastern wall of this building sits upon the blocking wall of the rock-cut chamber. A number of small, rounded depressions were found in the bedrock above this chamber; such depressions were observed in association with the lustral basins on the south side of the hilltop, but not with the central lustral basin nor in the other squares which have been opened on the site. It is not known what function these small, shallow depressions might have served. The built temples which Zahn uncovered, then, do not belong to the earliest phases of the site. Further evidence of the secondary nature of the buildings is indicated by the use of inscribed stones in the walls themselves. Certain inscribed stones were surely contemporary with the buildings, as the statue base in Temple Site 2 shown in

Fig. 17

Zahn's photos clearly indicates. However, the fact that other inscriptions were built into the walls, some upside down, record that these inscribed stones had been created and displayed for a period before their decommission and use as ordinary building stone.22 The sanctuary at Lingrin tou Digeni then must have begun as an open air sanctuary. The eastern half of the hilltop seemed to have remained in its original state. The Rock-Cut Chambers No further excavation has taken place atop Lingrin tou Digeni due to the pressing needs of survey and rescue excavation throughout the Kapsa/ia plain. However, surface finds were rich and many, and a few general remarks can be made. A number of rock-cut chambers are observed cut into the top of the hill and around its face (Fig. 18). Survey of the area indicates that numerous rock-cut chambers are located to the north and east of the site as far as the edge of the Kha Potami gorge allows. Such rock-cut chambers are often interpreted as tombs, and indeed many of these chambers were undoubtedly of such use. The numerous finds of ceramics and especially the immense richness of the statue finds here leave no doubt that we are dealing with a highly-revered sanctuary area. The nature of a

22. Bazemore 2002, 170-75, figs 9-11.

GEORGIA BONNY BAZEMORE

188

Fig. J8

cult which is surrounded by tombs, however, has received little attention in general discussions of Cypriote religion, The Religious Function of the Rock-Cut Chambers: The Tamirad Diviners and the worship of Adonis The religious landscape found in the Rantidi Forest at Lingrin lOU Digeni is mirrored perfectly in the new city of Nea Paphos. Here, at the site of Alonia tou Episkopou is a rock-cut hypogeum with a stepped dromos entrance, in which two dedications to Apollo Hylates have been created by a man characterizing himself as "carrier of the divine voice".23 This hypogeum was surrounded by a sacred complex, in which the bedrock has been carved into five levels interpreted as courtyards and building platforms. Most importantly, this sacred precinct was located within a necropolis of rockcut chamber tombs. As at Lingrin tou Digeni, rectangular stepped basins and inverted cones carved into the bedrock have been found24 The planning and building of Nea Paphos was not constrained by the existence of older buildings and habitation. Thus, the sacred precinct of Apollo must have mirrored the religious and cultic expectations of the builders of the city themselves. So too at Lingrin tou Digeni these clustering of tombs around the sanctuary site must have been an aspect of the cult itself. Only a single

inscription names the deity here, described as "the god who speaks"25 The oracular functions of the ancient Paphian cult were widely known and revered. It is documented that ancient Cypriotes would consult oracles in times of need or doubt, and indeed it was the Paphian cults which were the most respected for their prophetic abilities.26 It was the Paphian priests and none other who identified the cult of diviners in that city kingdom: "A more recent tradition reports that the temple was consecrated by Kinyras, and that the goddess herself, after she sprang from the sea, was wafted hither; but that the science and method of divination were imported from abroad by the Cilician Tamiras, and so it was agreed that the descendants of both Tarniras and Kinyras should preside over the sacred rites. 11is also said that in a later time the foreigners gave up the craft that they had introduced, that the royal family might have some prerogative over foreign stock. Only a descendant of Kinyras is now consulted as priest."27 Assertion of oracular activity finds support in the discovery of 4 astragalos bones in connection with the underground chamber in square SW J 04; no other animal bones were associated with these finds. Astragalos bones are commonly believed to have been used in divinatory practices in the ancient world. I argue that the sanctuary of Lingrin IOU Digeni was the sanctuary of the Tamirad dynasty. Internal political and cultic upheaval is indicated at Lingrin tou Digeni by the number of inscriptions showing erasure and palimpsest, indications of damna/io memoriae where the sanctity and

23. 24. 25. 26.

Mitford 196Gb; Masson 1983,96-99. nos 2-3. Miynarczyk 1990,76-94; Bazemore 2002. [80-86. Mitford and Masson 1983,34-35, no. 1. Herodotus 5.104-6; Talian Cr. 1; Chariton 8.2.7-9; Clem. AI. Slrom. 1.21.

27. Tacitus' HiSlories 2.2-3. a story which he [earned from the Paphian priesls himself on a visit there ,"viththe future emperor Titus.

THE RANTIDI FOREST EXCAVATIONS PRELIMINARY

power of the inscribing act and dedication of one person is negated, and could even be assumed by another28 The veracity of Tacitus' Paphian history is underscored by the later creation of the royal sanctuary whose contents were used to anchor the Persian mound of siege. Epigraphically, it is obvious that Lingrin tou Digeni was a much older sanctuary than that which produced the inscriptions of the siege mound.29 Whereas the sanctuary at Lingrin IOu Digeni produced no inscriptions from the Paphian kings, the siege mound was obviously patronized by the royal house itselPO The fact that no material from the sanctuary at Lingrin lou Digeni was found in the siege mound strongly suggests that the Persians had no need to cross the Kha Potami gorge to find suitable stone objects for their building project. Thus the royal sanctuary must have been located to the north and west of the city wall against which the siege mound was placed. Although the cult function and activity at Lingrin tou Digeni may have decreased following the founding of the royal sanctuary across the gorge, ceramic evidence indicates that, despite the absence of syllabic inscriptions with later epigraphic forms, cult activity at the site did continue for some centuries to come. Surely, the destruction of the royal sanctuary by the Persian at the beginning of the 5th century B.c. must have initiated a cult revival at Lingrin IOUDigeni. Situated in the centre of a sprawling necropolis, the cult at Lingrin lou Digeni was not only oracular, but chthonic and sepulchral in nature as well. In considering the cult of this sanctuary, an often ignored aspect of Cypriote religion must be brought to the fore. This is the lover special to Aphrodite alone, the young Adonis. The death and resurrection of this god was celebrated each year in the spring, in association with the appearance of new spring vegetation and the harvesting of the crops planted in the fall. Although the festival of the Adonia was not practiced in mainland Greece itself, the fact that the Ptolemaic rules of Egypt embraced this cult following their conquest and domination of Cyprus cannot be ignored. Indeed, according to Theocritus, the cult

REPORT 1996-2007

189

of Adonis and the celebration of the Adonia constituted an important part of the Ptolemaic religious calendar.3! Thus, strong arguments can be put forward that the sanctuary site of Lingrin lou Digeni in the Rantidi Forest was administered by the Tamirad clan, known for their abilities of divination, equal in power, at least for a time, to the Kings of Paphos themselves, and observing the rites of Aphrodite's holy minion, the god whom the Greeks call 'Adonis'. The Lower Tombs Several tombs at the western edge of the site were scheduled for destruction. Although these tombs were open and obviously the subject of looting at various epochs, it was decided that they should be cleared and mapped. Excavation of these areas, however, did not disappoint. In the chambers marked Tomb I and Tomb 2 on the plan, many remains were uncovered. In addition to near complete vessels and human bones, a spindle whorl with incised groove decoration was found (Fig. 19); wear pattern marks indicate that it was an object for use rather than for dedication

Fig, 19(1:1)

28. 29. 30. 31.

Bazemore 2002, 167-69, figs 4-5; Bazemore (forthcoming). Bazemore 2002,189-94, fig. 15. Masson and Mitford 1986, nos I and 2. Bazemore 2002, 177-86, with notes discusses the aspect of the cult at Rantidi; see also, Theocritus Xv. 136-137, who notes that Adonis is the only demigod who can move from the underworld back to the overworld again.

190

GEORGIA

BONNY

only. In addition, the remains of three separate glass bracelets were recovered. A Chariot Entrance Near and parallel to the Roman road sets of parallel lines worn deeply into the bedrock were observed. 11seems likely that these grooves were made by wheeled traffic of some type, perhaps even the chariots of the elite visitors to the site. The Western Edge of the Sanctuary As development was slated in this area, we sought to establish the western boundaries of the ancient sanctuary site. Immediately below the level of the lower tombs, a thick, highly compacted red clay surface was uncovered. This surface seemed to have been laid upon a layer of stones, and may have been a built surface to allow for foot and wheeled traffic in this area. A fragment of a very fine carved stone bowl with relief decoration was found here as well. This is by far the finest stone bowl recovered from the site (Fig. 20). Its position at the entrance of the site strongly suggests that this was used as a lustral bowl of some type.

BAZEMORE

The Sacred Forest of the God To the west of the proposed entrance way to the sanctuary no objects have been found. The lack of finds is striking. The sterility of this area is believed to be the result of the use of the majority of the Kapsalia plain as a sacred forest much like recorded for the sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion.

f

CONCLUSION The hilltop sanctuary of Lingrin tou Digeni was one of the most important sanctuaries in the ancient world. Continued excavation there will reveal yet more about the cult of the consort of Aphrodite in her Homeric home.

Fig. 20 (I :2)

(

THE

RANTIDI

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REPORT

1996-2007

191

BIBLIOGRAPHY

a

BAURAIN, C. 1991: "L'Ecriture syllabique Chypre" in C. Baurain, C. Bonnet and V. Krings (eds), Phoinikeia Grammata: Lire

et ecrire en Mediterranee (Studia Phoenicia XIIl) (Societe des Etudes Classiques, Namur), 389-424. BAZEMORE,G.B. 2000: "Erotica from the Sanctuary in the Rantidi Forest, Cyprus", Near Eastern Archaeology 63: 112. 2002: "The Display and Viewing of the Syllabic Inscriptions of Rantidi Sanctuary" in Smith (ed.), Script and Seal Use on

Cyprus in the Bronze and Iron Ages (Archaeological 155-212.

Institute

of America),

in press: "Cypriote Responses to Greek Alphabetic Writing: Identity and Script Use in first millennium B.C. Cyprus",

Classical Greek presented to John Chadwick (Minos XX-XXll), 367-81. MASSON, O. 1983: Les inscriptions chypriotes

syllabiques.

Retmpression

augmentee

(Ecole Fran~ais d' Athenes, Etudes chypriotes 1) (Editions E. de Boccard, Paris) (reprint of 1961 edition, with added appendix). 1995: "Les EcrilUres Antiques

a Chypre",

Dossiers d'Archeologie 205: 62-67. MASSON, E. and O. 1983: "Appendix IV: Les objets inscrits de Palaepaphos-Skales" in V. Karageorghis, 411-15. MASSON,O. and TE. M1TFORD1986: Les Inscrip-

tions Syllabiques de Kouklia-Paphos (Ausgrabungen in Alt-Paphos auf Cypern Band 4) (Universitlitsverlag

Konstanz GMBH).

Documents

MITFORD, TB. 1939: "Milestones in Western Cyprus", Journal of Roman Studies 29: 184-98.

The Origin of the Cypriote Syllabic Writing System and its Paphian Mutation.

1960a: "Unpublished Syllabic Inscriptions of the Cyprus Museum", Opuscula Atheniensia 3: 177-213.

COLLOMBIER,A-M. 1991: "Ecritures et Societes a Chypre Age du Fer" in C. Baurain, C. Bonnet and V. Krings (eds), 426-27.

1960b: "Paphian Inscriptions Hoffmann nos. 98 and 99", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 7: 1-10.

Oxford Studies in Ancient (Oxford University Press). forthcoming:

a ]'

a

KARAGEORGHIS, V. 1980: "Fouilles l'AnciennePaphos de Chypre: Les premiers colons grecs," CRA!, 122-36.

1981: Ancient Cyprus: 7,000 Years of Art

1961: Studies in the Signaries of SouthWestern Cyprus (Suppl. no. 10. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, London), MITFORD,TB. and O. MASSON 1983: The Sylla-

& Archaeology (Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge).

bic Inscriptions of Rantidi-Paphos (Ausgrabungen in Alt-Paphos auf Cypern Band

1983: Palaepaphos-Skales: An Iron Age Cemetery in Cyprus (Deutsches Archaolo-

2) (Universitatsverlag

Konstanz GMBH).

Kon-

MLYNARCZYK,J. 1990: Nea Paphos lll: Nea Paphos in the Hellenistic Period (Wydawnictwa Geologiczne: Warsaw).

MASSON, E. 1987: "La part du fond commun egeen dans les ecritures chypro-minoennes et son apport possible pour leur ctechiffrement" in J.T. Killen, J.L. Melena and J.-P. Olivier (eds), Studies in Mycenaean and

OHNEFALSCH-RICHTER, M. 1911: "The DwellingPlace of Divinities? ~ A 'Mount-Olympus' in Cyprus. The remarkable discoveries of Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter at Rantidi", Illustrated London News (February 4), 162-63.

gishces Institut. stanz GMBH).

Universitatsverlag

GEORGIA

192 PERISTlANES,

J.c.

Ancient

1910-11: "A Study on the

Site in the Randi

Read at a Meeting Club, Nicosia,

BONNY

held

BAZEMORE

1991: Homer and the Origin o/the Greek alphabet (Cambridge University

POWELL, B.B.

State Forest, at the English

Press).

19J I."

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XaL oYjµavuxous wµElS: 01:Yjv uL00E1:I10Yjwu LOlal1:EQou y"a 1:a xunQlaxa OEooµEva OU01:"'llCLWS oUAAa~l~"'S YQacp"'s XaL 1:YjvUl08EnlOll XaL EI;aywy'" 1:YjSwmx"'s 8E01:Yjl:CLS wu vYjmou. H BaoL).looa 1:YjS01:EQEasE),),aoas llnoQEl va ouyxQl0EllLE 1:YjvAcpQoOL1:Yj.To Rantidi Forest Excavations, nou olE~aY£l aQXCLloAoYlX'" EQEuva 01:Yj 0EOYjAtyy.Qiv rov LllyEvry OE lEQO 01:Yjv xOQuCPll EVOS ),ocpou, avacpEQEl XaL 1:a Ouo mo navw 0Eµma. To lEQO amo xa1:a 1:I]V aQXaLo1:Yj1:a01:EyaSE nl OuvooELa 1:YjS0E6):Yjl:CLSnou Aa1:QE'U01:av 01:Yjv no)"l 1:YjSITacpou EVW anOl:E1,El lllCL ana us nAOUm01:EQES 8EOELSnaQaywy"'c; xunQlCL~wv ouA).a~l~wv EmYQacpwv. ITaQoAo nou 0 Max Ohnefalsch-Richter avacpEQ£l au 1:0 lEQO aU1:o umlQ~E Eva ana 1:a nAOUm01:EQa wu VYjOlOU,EV WU1:OlS OEVEX£l1:UXEl oUOl:Yjµanx"'s OIjµOOLEUOllSXaL EX£l EAaXlO1:a oUSYjn10El OE axaoYjµabto EitlJtEOO. EX1:oS ana W 0YjoauQo 1:WVEmYQacpwv, 01:Yj8EOYjAtyxQiv rov LllyEvry EXOUVanoxaAucp8d µE'ta~u aAAwv aQxE'tES XlALaoEC; n"'),lva ElOWALa cpumxou ~CLl unEQcpumxou µEyE80uC;, xEQal:CL xa80mwoEws X(Xl aQl8µ0c; µl~QWV xunEAAwv. 2:E av'tL8wYj µE W ~amAlxo lEQO XWQo 'tYjS ouvao'tElas wu KlvuQa xov'ta onlY nO).Yj,ll 8EOll AtyxQiv rov LltyEvry cpaLvE'taL va av"'x£l o'tYjv naACLlo'tEQYj ouvao'tEla, am'" 'twv TaµlQaowv. H 0EOYjAtyxQiv rov LllyEvry nEQl~aAAE'taL ana Aa~Emous 'tacpous, Ol 8a),a-

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The Rantidi Forest Excavations Preliminary Report

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