The European Legacy, Vol. 7, No. 5, pp. 579–596, 2002
The Modernization of Education: A Case Study of Tunisia and Morocco , ,
BARBARA DEGORGE
, ,
The expansion of Western society reached its peak from the mid-nineteenth century until just before World War I, an era when European countries created or expanded vast political empires in order to gain power. Money, expatriates and Western goods ooded the colonized areas creating a completely new civil society. Countries that had once embodied ideas and traditions different from those found in the West found new and strange languages, institutions and philosophies thrust upon them. Reorganization arose because European powers had to design the best possible civil society for both their own expatriate citizens and the indigenous people they were controlling. After independence, the majority of the colonized areas wanted to return to their own languages, ideas and traditions. However, the change has irreparably transformed many institutions and this has led to enduring consequences. In particular, France was one imperial power that left a lasting legacy on its many colonies. During the mid-nineteenth century, France created an empire for itself along the Mediterranean coast of Africa. Algeria became a protectorate in 1830, followed by Tunisia in 1881. Morocco would reluctantly be put under protectorate status in 1912. With these new areas to administer, France had to transform existing governmental and societal structures from the archaic styles in use to more modern and ef cient ones. One area that came under the modernizing in uence of France was education. French education has been considered one of the nest in the world. With that thought in mind, one would expect to nd that all areas colonized and acculturated by the French would have advanced levels of education and a uniform level of education. This clearly was not the case in Tunisia and Morocco, which remained French protectorates until 1956. Each country was administered in different ways. Paul Cambon took one direction in Tunisia to educate the indigenous people, as well as the French colonists residing there. Ge´ne´ral Louis H. Lyautey took a completely different one in Morocco. Cambon undertook a program that promoted French education not only for the colonists, but for Tunisians as well. Lyautey concerned himself more with leaving the status quo and educating a Westernized Moroccan elite. Because of Cambon’s efforts, at independence there was a major difference in the literacy rate of these two countries. Tunisia would have a much higher rate of literacy than Morocco, although it was not as high as in France. Both countries found that they had to enter
, Corning Community College, Director of Special Programs, New York, USA. Email:
[email protected] ISSN 1084-8770 print/ISSN 1470-1316 online/02/050579-18 Ó 2002 International Society for the Study of European Ideas DOI: 10.1080/1084877022000006780
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into rapid expansion and modernization in order to bring their countries up to acceptable standards. Using Tunisia and Morocco as case studies, this paper takes a critical look at the modernizing reforms put in motion by the French, including how effective these reforms were in reaching the indigenous populations in North Africa. Additionally, the advances made since independence will be examined. By analyzing these advances, the reinstatement of indigenous languages, traditions and philosophies must be considered. In both Tunisia and Morocco, education had always been held in high esteem, even before the arrival of French in uence. In Islam, there is an emphasis and respect for the learned and knowledgeable individual. Tunisia, in comparison with the rest of North Africa, was considered to have the most advanced Muslim educational system. On the elementary level, scattered throughout both countries, were kouttabs, religious schools where children learn the Quran, the holy book of the Muslims, some basic Arabic literature and elementary reading, writing and arithmetic.1 Both countries, in addition, had higher institutions for advanced Islamic study. In Tunis, the Djama’s Zitouna, connected to the grand mosque and directed by the head religious leader, the sheik-al-Islam, was the highest center for theology. The Karaouiyne University, located in Fez, Morocco was one of the oldest universities in the Arab world. This, too, was connected with Islam through the Karaouiyne mosque, founded in 826 AD by Tunisian pilgrims. The mosque theology schools were similar to grammar or secondary schools and specialized in Hane te and Malikite religious systems of law.2 One also studied subjects like mathematics, literature and grammar on a higher level than the Kouttabs.
PROTECTORATE EDUCATION TUNISIA In addition to the religious schools in Tunisia, one institution of higher learning existed. Mohammed al Sodok, the Bey, on the advice of his prime minister, Khayr al-Din,3 founded the College Sadiqi (Sadiki) in 1875 in order to provide men with an education for entrance into government service.4 College Sadiqi was also set up to give a solid background in both European languages and the sciences.5 It held the same accreditation as a French lyce´e and set the standard for a bi-lingual and bi-cultural school system, giving instruction that spread throughout Tunisia to a mixed student body.6 There were also schools that had been established during the period of Capitulations by both the French and Italians for their nationals. The Italians were among the rst to establish their own schools and opened the rst one for girls in 1843. The French followed in 1845 with Abbe´ Bourgarde opening the rst French school in Tunis. It was attended exclusively by European children but closed after ten years due to nancial dif culties. Additionally, the Alliance Israelite, an organization concerned for the welfare of the Jewish population, founded schools for their youth.7 When Tunisia became a French protectorate in 1881, the new administration felt that efforts must be made to modernize the existing educational system. A newly created Director of Public Education was put in charge of all schools, including religious ones. It was hoped that a modern education would facilitate relations between France and the native people by fostering an understanding of the Arab–Islamic culture
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and the newly arrived European cultures. Additionally, it was hoped that a modern French education would create a potential Tunisian bureaucratic work force. Because of these goals, an educational system was set up identical to the one in existence in France. The most famous of these schools, the Lyce´e Carnot, was opened in 1881 by Mgr. Lavigerie.8 The school, as all the others instituted in Tunisia, was patterned on the same system found in France and all French lyce´es around the world. The curriculum taught was approved by the French government and all the schools were staffed by French teachers. The main language of instruction was French; however, in Franco– Arab schools, Arabic language was also taught. The French implemented their system by taking a very moderate approach. They essentially left the kouttabs intact; primary education continued within that framework. Baron d’Estournelle de Constant, who was the Administrative Assistant to Paul Cambon, the resident-minister at the time, cautioned the French that they must not disturb the existing structure as the masters of these schools had enormous in uence. The masters were in a position to foster feelings of hatred towards the French instead of good relations.9 The French, in retrospect, were successful with this approach as illustrated by the comment by Sheikh-el-Islam who was the highest Tunisian of cial at the time: “I regret that my great age no longer permits me to begin the study of your language; I would be the rst to follow your lessons; but I will send you my sons.”10 With the policy of moderation, the number of kouttabs numbered 971 countrywide with approximately 17,000 students in 1891; Tunis, independently, more than doubled the number of schools from 50 in 1877, to 113 in 1890.11 The spread of French education in Tunisia was due not only to the prevailing attitude of the local people, but also to the resident-minister, Paul Cambon. Cambon was largely responsible for creating the movement known as the Alliance franc¸aise. The idea behind this organization was to promote French education in the protectorate. The organization, once it gained legal status, was responsible for promoting French education worldwide. The Director of Public Education also instituted schooling for girls. In Islam, education was recognized for all people; therefore, by 1889, there were 21 primary schools and one secondary school that admitted females. All but ve of these public schools received government funding. Along with the public schools receiving funding, the nancially troubled College Sadiqi was not overlooked. College Sadiqi, which had nancial problems before the protectorate, was recognized and given economic aid in order for it to grow. A special course was added to promote Arabic studies, although the main thrust was the French curriculum and language. As the main focus was entrance into government service, the children of rich Tunisians aspired to attend this school, creating an elite group of young Tunisians highly cognizant of the ef ciency of French institutions, intellectual freedom, French values and weaknesses. Those of the elite group, as they were also educated in Islam, Arabic history and culture, also had a highly developed national sense and would later become the forerunners of the nationalistic movement in Tunisia. While classical education expanded, the non-conventional was given consideration at the same time. The French, faced with foreign competition in the craft industry, opened schools that would give more formal training in technological areas. Both public and private vocational schools were set up to teach how to produce better products.
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582
In addition to these schools, the Jewish community founded a Farm and Apprentice School, and in 1902, the Tunisians themselves started an agricultural community for orphaned and abandoned children. This particular project had the support of both the French and Tunisian administrations. The Tunisian administration organization, which was in charge of habous lands gave the community 1,200 hectares along with an annual subsidy of 15,000 francs.12 The French administration matched these funds in order to get the project off the ground. By the second year of the French administration, 1883, there were, besides the Quranic schools, 23 private schools on the primary level, College Sadiqi, and the Saint Charles College (today called the Tunis Lyce´e). Out of the total population, there were 3,000 children in these schools with 150 teachers. Muslim students constituted one third of the student population.13 Of the total population, there were two students per 1,000 inhabitants and of this gure, 0.6% were of the Muslim population.14 Twenty-eight years later, in 1911, the total student population numbered 40,000, of which 12,000 were Muslim students. This was on average 20 students per 1,000 inhabitants. Of that gure, the percentage of Muslims attending school was 18.0, showing a rise from 0.6%.15 Table 1 shows the increase in student population which was in direct correlation to the population increase, which occurred in Tunisia at the time (see Table 2). Of the 12,000 Muslim students attending school, only approximately 1,100 were girls. In addition to these gures, the budget of the Public Education Department also re ected an increase from 1.1% in 1885 to 9.5% in 1944.16 TABLE 1. School attendance in Tunisiaa School attendance Period 1883 1911 1936 1954 a
Number of pupils per 1000 inhabitants
Total
Muslims
Total population
Muslim population
3,000 40,000 92,000 265,000
1,000 12,000 43,000 212,000
2 20 35 74
0.6 18 18 60
“Tunisia Faces the Future,” Le Monde E´conomique (1 June 1960): 99. TABLE 2. Muslim population increase in Tunisiaa Muslim population
Period 1881–1911 1911–1921 1921–1931 1926–1936 1936–1946 a
Increase per decade
Beginning of period
End of period
Numerical
Percentage
1,500,000 1,740,000 1,890,000 1,930,000 2,340,000
1,740,000 1,890,000 2,160,000 2,340,000 2,920,000
80,000 150,000 270,000 410,000 580,000
5% 9% 14% 21% 25%
“Tunisia Faces the Future,” Le Monde E´conomique (1 June 1960): 107.
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TABLE 3. School attendance 1941–42a Boys
Girls
Tuition
French
Muslim
Total
French
Muslim
Total
Totals
Primary public Secondary public Subtotal Private Totals
12,186
36,023
55,618
9,996
7,104
24,733
80,351
3,087
1,355
5,133
2,455
96
3,209
8,342
15,273 1,813 17,086
37,278 147 37,525
60,751 6,698 67,449
12,453 2,331 14,784
7,200 672 7,872
27,942 4,609 32,551
88,693 11,307 100,000
a
Department of Public Education, Tunisia 54, 48.
Although there were many strides made in the early protectorate years, there was also some hesitation on the part of some French administrators in actually educating the Tunisian masses. Part of this arose from the founding of the Khalduniyyah by College Sadiqi alumnae. The school was conceived to further educate young Tunisians at the Grand Mosque of Tunis—Zitouna—with a more modern French education to complement their formal Islamic one. This enthusiasm for the French language and culture tended to instill a fear in many of the colonists of creating an educated elite who could cause political problems. Those who did become active politically were branded “Jeunes Tunisiens” after the political organization in Turkey, the Young Turks. One of the leaders of the hard-line colonists, Victor de Carnie`res, stated “Our worst enemies are these young men of bourgeois families whom the Department of Education has reared a` la franc¸aise … If ever there is a revolt in Tunisia, it will be they whom we see at the head of the insurgents.”17 This did come to pass, but not when de Carnie`res thought it would. When the opposition to the French set in years later, all of the Tunisian leaders were uent in the French language and culture. However, a point was made and the Department of Public Education began to discourage Tunisian education: the number of young people educated in European style schools declined between 1897 and 1903 from 4,656 to 2,927.18 This attitude was reversed by 1914. Although, the modern educational system in Tunisia during the protectorate was set up mainly to accommodate children of the European colonists, Tunisians were able to access the same education. From the period of 1914 to 1942, the French work on the educational system was greatly expanded. This can be shown by the increased attendance in the schools (see Table 3). School attendance was increased in great part due to the increase in teaching institutions (see Table 4). By 1941–1942, there were 508 public schools: 485 primary, two high schools and ten colleges. There were also 93 private schools. Both of these sectors employed a total of 2,750 teachers.19 By 1954, there were approximately 265,000 children in schools, with the Muslim population numbering about 212,000. This was in part due to the four-year plan of 1953–1956 that had been implemented. The plan called for an enrollment of 285,000 students by the end of 1957.20 As illustrated by Table 1, the number of students attending school by 1954 surpassed the projected results by approximately 20,000. However, statistics suggest that
584
, BARBARA DEGORGE TABLE 4. Estimated school attendance, 1953–57a Year 1953–1954 1954–1955 1955–1956 1956–1957
Estimated attendance 227,000 245,000 265,000 285,000
a
Department of Public Education, Tunisia 54, 48.
by the end of the protectorate in Tunisia, the French managed to bring education to only about 10% of the population. In Tunisia, approximately 7% of the students attending public school in 1953 went on to secondary and higher education. This was in comparison with 8% of the primary students continuing their education in France, which further illustrates that although education did not reach everyone in Tunisia, neither did it do so in France. In essence, the gures reveal during the protectorate years that France was able to increase the total of children receiving secondary or higher education to approximately the levels in France. MOROCCO Morocco under the French shared neither the same policy nor the same results as Tunisia. When Morocco became a protectorate in 1912, Ge´ne´ral Louis H. Lyautey became the resident-general. One of the rst tasks he undertook was to study the educational needs of the Moroccan people. To do this, Lyautey established the Service de l’Enseignement to concern itself only with the needs of the indigenous people, as he felt that the children of the colonists could be educated back in France. His primary concern was not necessarily to change the educational system already in place but rather to strengthen it. His hope was to create a system that incorporated not only a traditional education, but also a modern one. Interestingly enough, Lyautey’s goal was not to transform the societal system in place in Morocco, but to educate the members of each social class better so that they would be more capable of lling the position into which they were born.21 In addition, Lyautey wanted to avoid the same errors that he perceived had been made earlier in Tunisia and Algeria, where young Arabs learned that their history was the history of France. In lieu of this, ve different types of schools were created. The rst was the e´coles des ls de notable, which were primary schools for the sons of upper class Moroccans. There were correspondingly schools for peasants and artisans; e´coles rurales and e´coles urbanique, respectively. After the primary level, one could nd Colle`ge Musulman where only the brightest from the notables went and the exceptional students from the other schools. The system aimed to satisfy the limited objectives Lyautey envisioned and was supposed to be practical for all classes: tools in the rural schools, typewriters and business in the Colle`ge Musulman. The system put in place by Lyautey was also designed to create an elite Moroccan class that he envisioned working side by side with him. This can be demonstrated by
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his creation of the Colle`ge Musulman. This school took only the top students and was designed to produce only “second class administrative interpreters.” Another prime example of a school for the elite was the College of Dar el-Beida created in 1919. The main focus of this school was to educate young men from top families to be of cers in the Moroccan military. Similar to the College Sadiqi in Tunisia, the College Dar el-Beida prepared young men for the newly formed Ecole Marocaine d’Administration (National School of Administration) and eventual service in the protectorate administration. The institution was very successful. By the 1950s, there was an average of 1,000 applications for the 30 spaces available each year. Furthermore, the graduates of College Dar el-Beida, would become the future leaders of the nationalist movement in Morocco. Two issues Lyautey had to deal with were the ancient Muslim University of Karaouiyine and the status of female education. The Muslim University of Karaouiyine had fallen into a state of decay. The university, which at one time had been one of the top institutions of higher learning, held no examinations, had a dated and inadequate library, and paid its religious teachers an exceedingly low salary of 15 francs a month. Lyautey’s dilemma was to convince the local population that major reform of the university was part of his national plan while maintaining the elite status of his College Musulman. As the institution was religious, Lyautey left the reforms that were needed in the hands of the high of cials from Fez. Working with these of cials, and with the help of the Sultan, money was put into raising the salaries of the ulema (religious teachers) and into putting proper examinations in place. The buildings, in addition, underwent extensive modernization. Once these reforms were in place, the French tended to leave the university alone so as not to seem as if they were attempting to secularize a religious institution. Women’s education was not overlooked either. Lyautey, however, was very cautious in this area as he did not want to upset the standing traditions of the Muslim people. The rst school for girls was opened in the countryside of El Hajeb in 1933, and another was founded in 1939. Women’s schools took so long to establish that, in 1920, the Bre´vet Ele´mentaire Professionel stated: La politique au sens europe´en et actuel du mot, ne peut convenir a` l’oeuvre de progre`s qui s’accomplit ici. Par conse´quent, ne songeons ni a` l’emancipation du citroyen marocain, ni a` l’affranchissement de l’esclave, ni a` la liberte´ de la femme.22
The push for girls’ education was motivated by the belief among urban families that education would increase the price of their daughters in the marriage market from 15,000 francs to about 25,000 francs.23 The former two schools were the only existing ones until the Sultan stepped in and created a commission to study the question of female education. After 1946, many schools for girls opened but they did not teach academic subjects, only what was necessary to run a home. One problem in the educational eld that particularly confronted Morocco was Berber education. The Berbers were the original and indigenous people of the Mahgreb region, and their in uence was felt much more so in Morocco than in Tunisia. Sixty percent of the population spoke the Berber language in Morocco versus less than 1% in Tunisia. Arabic, as well as French, was a foreign language to them, especially to children living in the rural regions.24 The policy under the French was to incorporate
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as many of the Berbers into their program of acculturation as possible. Education was to be extended to them, however, only in the French language. The new administration wanted to prevent the Berbers from identifying with the Arabs. The French regarded the Berbers as a group that needed “taming” and this was to be accomplished through educating the children in French culture. They hoped that the children would in uence the parents.25 Instruction in Islam was also to be kept as far from this group as possible. In 1930, the French issued the famous Berber Dahir, the objective of which was to isolate the Berber from the Moroccan Arab. Schools, such as the Azrou, were opened that were exclusively for Berber individuals. However, it was proved extremely dif cult to deny entry to those that did speak Arabic as there were demands for it from many areas including the bureaucratic of ces these people were expected to ll. The dream of a Franco–Berber education envisioned by the French would never come to pass. In 1940, it was estimated that there were approximately 27,000 children in school out of a total population of 900,000 school-aged children, which was about 3% of the population. 26 In 1946, a new resident-general, Labonne, felt that the number of students attending school needed to increase dramatically. He issued a mandate that resulted in 383 schools opening within a two-month period. These new schools accommodated an additional 19,000 children. An example of the push to create more schools and reach the indigenous population can be seen in the Benahmed region where there were only 160 children in three schools in 1940. Within a ten-year period, this gure rose to 1,575 children in 21 schools. This illustration was indicative of what happened to school systems throughout Morocco. Despite this increase in the number of schools, education did not reach the majority of the population in Morocco. Lyautey never envisioned educating the greater mass of Moroccans. He wanted only to create an educated Moroccan elite. In the nal analysis, Lyautey’s approach was very practical as the nancial backing was not available to educate all school-age children in the protectorate. The estimated cost of educating all children was approximately 500 million francs per year, which represented 50% of the total budget of Morocco. As reported by the Istiqlal, the moderate and traditional political party, by 1953 the Ecole Marocaine d’Administration was able to provide 23,648 educated of cials for government of cials who were Moroccan, however 75% of this total were in secondary positions. The French required almost the same number of of cials to staff the higher governmental positions. The failure to expand education to the masses can be subsequently seen from the publication of the Guide des Carrie`res a` l’usage des jeunes Marocains in 1952 describing what positions Moroccans with higher education obtained. Out of 178 architects in the country, there was only one Moroccan; of 706 doctors, 11 were Moroccan and 14 were Jewish Moroccan. In addition there was only one Moroccan studying to be an accountant. By 1958, there were only approximately 1,500 Moroccans who had graduated from high school and perhaps 42,000 who had completed primary education.27
INDEPENDENCE Both Tunisia and Morocco received their independence in 1956. At the time when independence was granted, only about 10% of the Moroccan population had received a formal education, and only a fraction of that number received secondary or higher
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education. Tunisia, from the data released by the Tunisian government, had made a bit more progress than Morocco. The Tunisian literacy rate was estimated at between 25 and 28% of the total population. Of that gure, the majority had a primary education, but less than 5% were educated on the secondary level.28 Obviously both countries, however, had an enormous amount of work to do in bringing the educational standards of their newly independent countries up to date. TUNISIA When independence was achieved in 1956, the Neo-Destour party and President Habib Bourgiba put strong emphasis on public education, working to make it available and free to all Tunisians. They believed that a well-educated work force was necessary not only for the modernization of the country, but it would also instill a sense of nationality badly needed in the new state. Additionally, it was hoped that if the educational system was modernized, this would also promote secularization in the country. One of the rst tasks that they undertook in 1956 was to nationalize all the schools. In 1958, a law was passed that made public education free to all children; however, attendance was not made mandatory.29 The law also integrated all the different schools that were functioning at the time into one secular system. After nationalizing the school system, Bourgiba sought rapidly to expand the number of schools, hire trained teachers, and increase the number of students. During the 1960s, in order to increase the number of students attending the same school, a double shift school day was put into effect.30 This policy allowed about 75% of children between the ages of six and 12 to enter primary level education. In the age bracket of 12–17, 40% of students were enrolled in secondary education. Female attendance correspondingly increased to 40% of all those enrolled in schools.31 However, of the total number of students enrolled in secondary education, only about 6% actually completed the required six-year course that led to admission to higher education; most took the exam that led to a certi cate after three years, then entered the work force or a non-academic vocational school. With the emphasis on rapidly increasing the number of students attending school, there were so many children enrolled in the schools that it became necessary to enact a policy that was unprecedented in education in underdeveloped countries. A limitation was put on how many times a child could repeat a grade and the standards for admission into secondary schools were raised. This stopped children who were under-quali ed from continuing on to higher education or from graduating. It, moreover, ensured that there would not be a ood of unquali ed or partially quali ed people entering the work force. This eventually brought about a decline in school enrollments in secondary and higher education during the mid-1970s. The students who were denied access to traditional education were offered technical training programs in agriculture and industry. This training would allow these less quali ed students an opportunity to contribute to the economic development in the country. The pattern has led to an unequal standard of education, as children from the rural or lower socioeconomic areas who received vocational education were unable to compete with the better prepared, traditional, educated urban middle class. Furthermore, the more traditional parents in the rural areas tended to pull their daughters out
588
, BARBARA DEGORGE TABLE 5. Tunisian institutions, teachers and school attendance 1988a
Pre-primary Primary Secondary: General Vocational* Higher: Universities* Other**
Institutions
Teachers
Males
Pupils/students Females
Totals
35,525 3,699
37,501 84,411
548,019 1,289,111
230,670 821,608
778,689 2,110,719
N/A N/A
75,554 1,080
812,705 12,725
534,609 6,285
1,347,314 19,010
N/A N/A
5,922 2,431
111,354 30,161
57,869 12,767
169,223 42,928
* Data excludes professional schools. ** Data refers to 1987. a UNESCO, Statistical Yearbook 1988.
of school before they had completed the educational cycle. Tradition held, and still holds, that education for females is not as important as for males. Despite the inequities in the system, by the mid-1980s, attendance rose in primary education (ages 6–12) to 90% and to 30% for those aged between 13 and 19 receiving secondary education. Six percent of the population between the ages of 20 and 25 were receiving a higher education.32 In 1988, there were over two million children receiving primary education and over 1.3 million receiving a secondary education (see Table 5). When independence came, the majority of the educational instruction was done in French except in some of the rural kouttabs. Bourgiba and his colleagues continued the French system as they felt it would best support their secularization program. The Department of Public Education hoped eventually to move toward more instruction using the Arabic language. The dif culty in accomplishing this is that the Arabic language is de cient in terms that are necessary for modern technology: there are certain terms for which there are absolutely no words. Instead of solving the problem with technical language, Tunisia solved the problem by developing a bi-lingual program. Instruction is in the Arabic language until the third year of primary school when French is introduced. French and Arabic are simultaneously taught in many instances. However, French is usually the preferred language of instruction by the fourth year of primary school. One half to three quarters of the language instruction in secondary schools is in French. On the university level, one nds that almost entirely all instruction is in the French language, except where the Arabic language, Islam and Arabic literature are studied. Originally, the intended goal of the Department of Public Education was to gradually change over to Arabic in all educational sectors. However, due to the increased demands for instruction at the technological level, more hours of learning French has been added in both the primary and secondary schools. In any paper assessing education, one must analyze what advanced education is available. Tunisia’s only university, the University of Tunis, was founded in 1958, the result of all institutions of higher education being joined together. In 1979, a new ministry responsible for higher education, the Ministry of Higher Education and Scienti c Research, was set up to manage the university. By 1984, there were 12
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faculties at the University of Tunis and its additional af liated institutions and schools. There were also other schools of higher education that conferred degrees that were equivalent to the university. In total, there were 54 schools of higher education, of which 34 received funding from the Ministry of Higher Education and Scienti c Research while the others were funded by various other ministries. One of the most important schools is the National School of Administration (Ecole Marocaine d’Administration) that specializes in postgraduate courses in the civil service discipline. In 1985, numbers show that approximately 40,000 students were admitted to higher learning institutions and about 5,000 were graduating each year.33 The admissions method to the University of Tunis and its af liated schools has been and still is conducted in the same way that children in France are admitted to higher educational institutions. Those who apply for admission are accepted based on the scores that the student receives on the Baccalaure´at examination and on which section of the exam is taken.34 Those with the highest scores are given preference. Because of the restrictions that are placed on entrance to the universities, many students who have not met the requirements choose to study outside of Tunisia. It is estimated that there are about 10,000 students studying outside of the country with about one-third on government scholarships. The majority attend universities in France and the United States. Originally the educational system relied on teachers acquired from the French governmental system, especially during the protectorate period and following independence. By the mid-1980s, however, the majority of teachers in both the primary and secondary Tunisian educational system were native Tunisians. Out of 76,634 teachers on the secondary level, 19,000 (25%), were still French in 1988 (see Table 5). On the university level, however, the majority of the faculty was and still is foreign, mostly French. Although the university theoretically follows a policy of Tunisi cation, the government tended to let the university make its own decisions. MOROCCO The system of education established in Morocco during the protectorate period was one that cultivated an educated Moroccan elite. Essentially, the schools that were established were for the European community and wealthy Moroccan families. They were all modeled on the French system. There were no corresponding Arabic schools. Unlike Tunisia, the system passed on by the French in Morocco was not conducive to the modernization and development that the country needed. As stated earlier in this paper, Morocco lagged behind Tunisia in the eld of education during and immediately following the protectorate period. Although those who had received a French education were able to nd jobs, they were of the lowest level civil service type. Furthermore, under the protectorate, vocational training of any kind was neglected, creating a large unskilled work force. To put the state of Morocco’s educational system into perspective, one has to be cognizant of the enormous expansion of the system that took place once independence was gained. In 1955–1956, 18% or 245,000 school-age children received an education.35 Of that total, about 23,000 (1959–1960 gures) students received a secondary education and only 7,310 (1963–1964) participated in higher education. Twenty years later, 1987–1988, the number of students receiving an education took an
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enormous jump to 1,348,670 in secondary schools and 157,484 in higher education.36 This illustrates the enormous expansion that the educational system of Morocco had to undergo immediately following its independence. The Ministry of National Education (MOE) had the responsibility for facilities, curriculum and, more importantly, the formulation and implementation of the country’s education policies. The ministry divided the country into regional school districts headed by an administrator who reported to the central administration in the country’s capital of Rabat. Two of the rst policies the MOE put into effect, albeit not too successfully, were the Moroccanization and Arabization of the school system. Moroccanization was a process similar to Tunisi cation in Tunisia; the replacement of expatriate teachers with Moroccan personnel. This proved to be an extremely dif cult task as there were few trained Moroccan educators. For the rst 20 years after independence, this policy, unlike Tunisi cation, was extremely unsuccessful. It was not until the mid-1970s that Moroccans lled the majority of teaching positions. This was due to a tremendous acceleration of teacher training programs. With the acceleration of training, practically all positions on the primary level were lled by Moroccans by the end of the 1970s. As of that point, Moroccanization was hoped to be completed on the secondary level by 1990. Arabization was the process aimed at replacing the French language with Arabic in all of the schools. This particular process was found, as in Tunisia, to be more dif cult to implement than envisioned. The academic setting was more serviceable in the French language, as technological education was and is practically impossible to teach in Arabic because of a lack of technical vocabulary in the language. Morocco, in addition, had a particular problem not commonly found in other North African countries; the Berber population not only had no knowledge of French, but had limited or no knowledge of Arabic as well. Little consideration was given to education of the Berbers in the rural regions after independence. The process of complete Arabization was scheduled to be completed by the mid-1990s even though predictions were quite pessimistic about its success. The majority of pre-primary education in Morocco is still given through Kouttabs.37 Similar to nursery or kindergarten schools, most of the children enter these schools at the age of three. They receive religious training and a basic introduction to language, grammar and numerical skills. During the school year 1984–1985, it is estimated that about 667,000 children took advantage of these schools, although education is not compulsory for children until the primary level at age seven. Of this number, approximately 188,000 were female students. These students were taught in over 29,000 schools that employed more than 31,000 teachers.38 Although these schools are not part of the educational system, the MOE does periodic inspections of the facilities. Additionally, the Ministries of Islamic Affairs, Home Affairs and Youth Sports have a certain amount of supervisory control over the pre-schools. Compulsory education starts at the primary level when children are seven years old. The primary program is a ve-year program that is modeled after the French system. This program stresses mathematics and language skills, both in Arabic and, starting in the third year, French. At the end of the cycle, an exam is given for entrance into the secondary level. If a child opts not to go on for further education, a different exam is taken and a certi cate of primary studies (CEP) is awarded. Enrollment has
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steadily increased at the primary level since Morocco has achieved independence. In 1975–1976, there was a total enrollment of 1,475,000 students with 35% being females. This has increased to approximately 2,408,000 in 1985–1986. Female enrollment, however, as a percentage of the total has remained static. Thirty-seven percent of the total number of children enrolled in primary schools in 1985–1986 was female, showing only a slight improvement in the male–female ratio from the 1975–1976 total.39 The secondary system is almost identical to that set up by the French during the protectorate years. The schools, called Lyce´es, are divided into two cycles exactly as one would nd in France. Most students are educated bilingually with Arabic the preferred language of instruction. Some mathematics and science courses are starting to be taught in Arabic, however the problem of the lack of a technical vocabulary remains. Enrollment in secondary schools is not as high as on the primary level, especially for girls. Most parents, chie y in rural regions, still do not feel the necessity to educate girls past the primary stage. It is almost a badge of honor for them to be able to state that “we do not send our daughters to school.”40 The idea of having a school in rural areas has met many obstacles. On the one hand, parents feel that there is outside interference in their lives and traditions, and on the other hand, school is seen, in some instances, as a status symbol, especially outside the villages. In spite of these barriers, female and male enrollment has steadily increased. In 1975–1976, there were about 141,600 females enrolled in secondary schools, which represents about 30% of the total number of students enrolled. This increased to 40% of the total in 1983–1984.41 In addition to public and private bilingual schools, there is also a limited number of higher education schools that offer what is known as common education in preparation for entrance into higher studies like the Karaouiyne which specializes in Islamic studies. In 1987–1988, there were more than 13,500 students enrolled in these types of schools.42 Table 6 illustrates the number of children enrolled in secondary schools for the year 1983–1984. At the end of each year, examinations are given which must be passed in order to go on to the next higher level. If the exam is not passed, the student cannot continue and must drop out. The nal examination is the baccalaure´at, of which the successful completion allows a student to continue onto higher education to this day. This is the same system as is found in France and has remained an integral part of the Moroccan system. Higher education has always been an integral part of the Moroccan educational system, going back to the ninth century when the Karayouine Mosque was established. The Mosque school, known today as Al Qayrawaniyan University, became part of the state university system in 1947.43 The school specializes in theology and graduates TABLE 6. Moroccan children enrolled in secondary schools in 1988a Type Bilingual Original education Arabized French a
First cycle
Second cycle
Total
654,000 12,000 4,000 0
293,000 6,000 2,000 0
947,000 18,000 6,000 0
Massialas, “Morocco,” 877.
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Primary education, MOE Secondary education, MOE Higher education, MOE Total MOE budget Total state budget MOE% of total state budget
1981
1982
1,801.4 2,459.1 956 5,216.5 25,354 20.57
2,166.8 3,075.5 1,282 6,524.3 34,912 18.69
1983 2,409.3 3,354 1,372.7 7,136 32,429 22
The approximate exchange for dirhams to the dollar was about 8.5 dirhams per dollar. a Massialas, “Morocco,” 884.
specialists in Islamic doctrine and law. Up until 1989, it was part of six independent universities that made up Morocco’s higher educational system. In 1989, university status was given to various other institutions that had previously been attached to the original six. Among these other institutions were schools that offered technological and scienti c programs. All of the universities are technically under the auspices of the Ministry of National Education. However, they act autonomously, each having its own administration and budget. As in Tunisia, and in the secondary system, the universities are all based on the French system, except for Al Qayrawaniyin University. All of the universities grant rst degrees that are common in the French system (licence e`s letters, licence e`s sciences, etc.). As stated previously, admission is granted by passing the baccalaure´at, which consists of a series of subtests in science, literature, mathematics etc. A student must achieve an average passing grade on the combined subtests in order to continue in the eld in which he hopes to study. The language of instruction is based on which subject is being studied. For the most part, since 1989, the majority of subjects taught in the social sciences and arts are in the Arabic language. All science subjects, however, are taught in French. Another characteristic similar to the French system lies in the fact that students do not pay any tuition. Room and board are nominal and many students receive some type of scholarship aid.44 Enrollment has also increased on the university level. In 1963–1964, there were 7,310 Moroccans enrolled in higher education. By 1987–1988, the number of students in higher education increased to 157,484.45 This great expansion has been due to the vast amounts of money that have been earmarked each year for the creation of advanced higher learning. All schools, except for private schools, are nanced by the Moroccan government. According to one study summarized in Table 7, the MOE has received about 19% of the state’s national budget, which is about 6% of the GDP.46 Table 7 illustrates that the expenditure for MOE increased signi cantly over a three year period, both in actual dirhams spent and as a percentage of the total state budget.
CONCLUSION Both Tunisia and Morocco have made de nite progress modernizing their educational systems since independence. Both countries wrestled with speci c
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problems that began with the protectorate period. Each country, as a protectorate, was governed by two different men with extremely different attitudes about how the indigenous people should be educated. Their respective systems re ect these differences. In Tunisia, Paul Cambon and his administration made efforts to modernize the existing educational system. Even though the French colonists were the major bene ciaries of the new educational system, many Tunisians were able to take advantage of it as well. Certain areas in education that had been overlooked in pre-protectorate years, such as female and non-conventional vocational education, were improved and received additional government funding. The more modern French system was introduced, and by the end of the protectorate, Tunisian education was almost on a par with that in France. The fact that there was only a 1% difference between the number of children in education in the two countries re ects the success of the efforts that were made. The literacy rate in Tunisia was also increased during the protectorate period to the point where it reached almost 28% of the total population by independence. When independence occurred in 1956, the Bourgiba government continued to build upon the French foundation. Major emphasis was placed on public education, especially making it accessible to all Tunisians. The newly independent country dramatically expanded its educational facilities and increased the attendance in primary schools to almost 75% of primary school-age children. Female education, which had not made great strides during the protectorate, was also emphasized so that 40% of all primary school-age children were female. The processes of Arabization and Tunisi cation, however, have not been as successful as the Bourgiba government would have desired. This is partly because the established French system was popular among Tunisians even after independence. Today, the majority of the education, especially in secondary and higher institutions, is either bi-lingual or taught totally in the French language. Literacy also increased in Tunisia. In 1980, the literacy rate rose to approximately 50% in the population over the age of 15. Not only has the literacy rate risen for the entire population, it has risen most dramatically among women, re ecting a major goal of the Tunisian administration. If broken down, the 1980 gures re ect that of the 50% of the literate population in Tunisia, 67% are men, while 33% are women. By 1995, literacy rose to 66.7% of the population with men being 78.6% literate and females 54.6%. Not only has education reached the urban population, but the rural areas as well have a rising literacy rate. Morocco’s French legacy was not as strong as that of Tunisia. At the end of the protectorate period, the Moroccan literacy rate was only at about 10% and only a mere fraction of that group received a secondary education. This was a direct result of the policies that Lyautey put into effect, the goal of which was to create a small Westernized elite who would serve side-by-side with the French. Unfortunately, the shortsightedness of Lyautey’s educational policies slowed the country’s modernization efforts after independence. Lyautey’s goal was to strengthen the existing system in order not to disturb the structure of society that existed. People were educated for the position into which they were born. It cannot be said that education as a whole was not changed for the better. New
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schools, such as the College Dar el-Beida, were created and old ones, such as the Muslim University of Karaouiyine, were revamped in order to bring them up to the standards of the time. Female education was not ignored either, but that was an area where Lyautey tread quite cautiously. It was quite dif cult for the new protectorate administration to teach rural families, whose traditions did not include educating their daughters, that girls should and could be educated. In order for one to put the present state of the Moroccan educational system into perspective, it is necessary to recognize the enormous expansion that had to take place. Schools had to be introduced into many regions of the country where previously none existed. Teachers had to be trained and books had to be made available for students. Since the protectorate period, enrollment and the literacy rate has risen considerably. As stated before, the literacy rate in Morocco was at about 10% at independence and that gure had risen to 35% by 1985. By 1995, the literacy rate rose to 43.7% with male literacy at 56.6% and women’s literacy rate 31%. Unfortunately, this number is still extremely low for a country that has developed so rapidly. Education still has not reached many of the people, especially in the rural areas. One area of education in Morocco that has fared much better than that in Tunisia, is higher education. This is probably because Morocco has had a long history of strong higher education, dating back centuries. Higher education was strengthened under Lyautey and changes were made to make it more adaptable to the needs of Moroccans. The higher educational system has maintained its close cultural ties to France, and this has in uenced its development. Tunisia, in contrast, has had many problems in its attempt to reform its universities. A new system of “orientation” was instituted, which resulted in students being pushed into academic areas that had nothing to do with their vocational interests. Unhappy students quit attending, pushing up Tunisia’s attrition rate at universities. Studies have also shown there is much wasteful spending. Both countries have undergone a process of Arabization, although Tunisia has been less successful than Morocco in implementing it. Most schools in Tunisia are bi-lingual and emphasis has remained on the French language for both secondary and higher education. Morocco, on the other hand, has undergone a more extensive and intensive Arabization process. Recent reports state that the process has almost been completed on the secondary level. French is still, however, a language of great importance and bilingualism is greatly encouraged. In both countries, there is still a tendency to identify higher education with France. Thus, what has persisted is the continual creation of what has been termed “a Westernized elite.” Those who are considered the intelligensia of both Morocco and Tunisia are bi-lingual, as well as bi-cultural. One striking example of the continuing French in uence is that the government reports from the Moroccan Ministry of Education are published in the French language. In conclusion, Both Tunisia and Morocco were greatly in uenced by their contact with the French during the protectorate years. The process of modernization within the educational system began then, albeit differently in both countries, and still continues today. Even though Tunisia and Morocco have made great advancements in the educational eld, the results re ect that they still have a long way to go before they can be on a par with the other modern Westernized countries.
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NOTES 1. Dwight L. Ling, Morocco and Tunisia: A Comparative History (Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1979), 80. 2. In Sunni Islam, there are four major schools of law: Hani , Maliki, Hanbali and Sha i. These schools of law are predominant in different parts of the Islamic world: Hana in the Arab Middle East and South Asia; Maliki in North, central and West Africa; the Sha i in East Africa, southern Arabia, and Southeast Asia; and the Hanbali in Saudi Arabia. 3. Khayr al-Din (Khe´rre´din in French) is considered the “father of Tunisian nationalism.” As a reforming prime minister who wanted his country to embrace Western ideals, he introduced many changes in Tunisia. He held the post of prime minister from 1873 to 1877 when he was dismissed due to much opposition to his policies. 4. Public Education Department, Tunisia 54 (Paris: Encyclopedie Mensuelle d’Outre Mer, 1954), 47. 5. Lisa Anderson, The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 159. 6. Robert Rhinehart, “Historical Setting,” in Tunisia, A Country Study, Foreign Areas Study (Washington, DC: American University, 1988), 38. 7. William Knapp, Tunisia (New York: Walker & Co., 1970), 119. 8. Charles Allemand-Lavigerie was a Cardinal in the Catholic Church and is held to be largely responsible for the church’s in uence in North Africa. He was also instrumental in establishing many schools throughout the Mahgreb as he believed that assimilation through education achieved the best results. It is interesting to note that in 1894, the Lyce´e Carnot, which he had founded, became a secular school. 9. Dwight L. Ling, Tunisia, From Protectorate to Republic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1967), 92. 10. d’Estournelles de Constant, La Politique franc¸ais en Tunisie (Paris, 1891), 450. 11. Ling, From Protectorate to Republic, 92. 12. Habous lands were lands that were given over to religious institutions and therefore were untouchable by law and taxes. The majority of these lands were held in a religious trust which could be leased out to individuals under different types of Koranic contracts. 13. Public Education Department, Tunisia 54, 47. 14. “Tunisia Faces the Future,” Le Monde E´conomique (1 June 1960): 99. 15. Ibid. 16. Lucien Paye, Head of the Public Education Department, “Statement,” Tunisia 54 (Paris: (Paris: Encyclopedie Mensuelle d’Outre Mer, 1954), 47. 17. Anderson, The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 160. 18. “Colons franc¸ais et Jeunes-Tunisiens, 1882–1912,” Revue franc¸aise d’histoire d’outre mer 54 (1967): 114–5. 19. Department of Public Education, Tunisia 54, 48. 20. Ibid., 52. 21. Robin Bidwell, Morocco Under Colonial Rule, French Administration of Tribal Areas 1912–1956 (London: Frank Cass, 1973), 238–9. 22. Bre´vet Ele´mentaire Professionnel, 1920: “The sense of European politics and in actuality, does not contain a desire to accomplish progress here (Morocco). Consequently, the emancipation of Moroccan citizens, the freeing of slaves or the liberty of women is not envisioned. 23. Bidwell, Morocco under Colonial Rule, 249. 24. Jane Morrison Hartley, “Education,” in Morocco: A Country Study, Foreign Affairs Study (Washington, DC: American University, 1991), 3. 25. An of cial circular put out at the time stated: “Leur premier object est l’apprivoisement.” This was quoted by Paul Marty, Le Maroc de Demain (Paris: Comite´ de l’Afrique, 1925), 251. 26. Bidwell, Morocco under Colonial Rule, 253. 27. Ibid., 254.
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28. Ling, From Protectorate to Republic, 219. 29. This law, which has been revised several times, is still the basis for Tunisian education. 30. LaVerle Berry and Robert Rhinehart, “The Society and Its Environment,” in Tunisia, A Country Study, Foreign Areas Handbook Study (Washington, DC: American University & The Department of the Army, 1988), 131. 31. Kenneth J. Perkins, Tunisia, Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds (Boulder: Westview Press, 1986), 120. 32. Berry, “The Society and Its Environment,” 130. 33. Ibid., 130. 34. After completing the French language section, all students who take the baccalaureate, must choose a specialty, such as science, languages, economics, etc. 35. Ling, A Comparative History, 155. 36. Eirlys E. Davies and Abdelali Bentahila, “Morocco,” in Handbook of World Education, A Comparative Guide to Higher Education and Educational Systems of the World (Houston: American Collegiate Service, 1991), 555. 37. A kouttab (kouttabs, pl.) is also known in Morocco as msid in urban areas, and in rural areas as mahdar, jama’a. The term kattoub is a rural term. 38. Byron G. Massialas, “Morocco,” in World Education Encyclopedia, ed. George Thomas Kurian (New York: Facts on File Publications, 1988), 876. 39. Ibid., 877. 40. Hartley, “Education,” 4. 41. Massialas, “Morocco,” 877. 42. Davies and Bentahila, “Morocco,” 551. 43. Ibid., 549. 44. Massialas, “Morocco,” 882. 45. Le Moroc en Chiffre 1987, 27th edition (Direction du Developpement de la Banque Morocaine de Commerce Exterieur, n.d.). 46. Massialas, “Morocco,” 884.
