Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004

5th Series: SASCO’s Strategic Perspective on Transformation (SPOT) A Political Guide to Action on the Strategies and Tactics of SASCO. 1. Introduction 1.1.

Our Strategic Perspective on Transformation (SPOT) of higher education adopted at the fourth annual Congress, inter alia, noted the elitist education discourse that is unfolding through out our campuses. It is in this context that the continuing debate on the restructuring of education institutions spilt into the public domain; and captured the ire and awe of the entire public in a manner that has no precedent in the post apartheid education discourse.

1.2.1.

The SPOT as adopted at the fourth Congress in 19951, correctly asserted that intellectuals both organic and traditional have appropriated the transformation discourse alike, with little or no effort to ensure public ownership of the means and end results of the process. Both the student mass and the broader public have very little understanding of the issues. This is one of the issues that continue to prompt a self re appraisal on the part of the progressive student movement as we continue to engage with the process. Without doubt SASCO remains the vanguard of students and the leader of the student movement in our country in all respects also being the biggest and most representative political student organisation in the tertiary sector.

1.3.

Consistent with one of the fundamental principles of the organisation2 that of working class leadership, our programs continue to emphasize the notion of the working class leading the transformation discourse, as the motive force of the revolutionary forces both in process and content. This is also what informs SASCO‟s engagement in the student worker alliance. Our SPOT has historically articulated a view that locate our vision and struggles within the broader conceptualization of the National Democratic revolution (NDR) as pursued by our broader movement led by the African National Congress (ANC).

1.4.

The objectives of the NDR are the challenges that drive the progressive forces that are engaged in the transformation of our country and education in particular. The 1994 breakthrough cannot be said to have fundamentally mitigated this challenges, instead even the converse might have taken place. More than ever the historical call made by the SPOT that we be „very clear about what our immediate, medium, and long-term objectives are. What is our strategic vision? Is our perspective easy to understand? Do all our branches cohere around such a perspective? In simple terms we need the ABC of transformation (Progress Publishers). The simplicity of a perspective and the unity (coherence) of its elements is what accounted for the sustained anti apartheid offensive…‟ It is in this respect that our views, aims and

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This is the first Congress were SASCO adopted its strategic perspective on transformation. The principles of SASCO are outlined in one of the following footnotes as enunciated in the constitution.

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Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004 objectives not be couched in terminology clothed with rhetoric to the extent of obscuring the content. 2. Characterizing the Present Conjecture 2.1. The Global balance of forces 2.1.1. The 1994 democratic breakthrough came at a time when global capitalism was being hailed in its victorious triumph in the course of the cold war. The period from 1990 and that entire decade saw the consolidation of the hegemony of the capitalist mode of production in the backdrop of a significant left retreat and ideological incoherence as to what should the appropriate response following the collapse of the Soviet Union. This factors were largely to influence the response of our own movement in the course of the 1994 breakthrough and subsequent years, the entire scenario had a „cause and effect‟ relation with the breakthrough and vice versa albeit in a dialectical manner. This period was characterised by some as marking a new World order that was unipolar. 2.1.2.

One of the key developments as we begin the twenty first century, is the corroboration of one of the fundamental theoretical expositions of Marxism, namely that capitalism is a social system that is bereft with crisis. Even this history of capitalism in the last century bears testimony to this, the most important aspect about the crisis at the end of the last decade (World recession) is that it is one within a unipolar capitalist system. The great depression that took place in the 1930s was solved by the Keynesian economics of state intervention through public works, as measures that would stimulate demand and ensure the accumulation of profits as a result. This required increase public spending on the part of governments. The antithesis of modern capitalism today is that there is strong aversion to state intervention in the direct stimulation of demand within the economy. So the state cannot even intervene to provide momentary reprieve to the people and the economy, which is today largely owned by corporate monopolies.

2.1.3.

The crisis that is taking place today is not only a crisis of over production as was the case in the earlier years of the last century; it is also a structural crisis of the present order. Therefore the stimulation of demand would not be sufficient without fundamentally restructuring the global economic system. Internal innovation and change has led to a system that is amongst others characterised by the following:

 New technology led by the so called computer revolution; the increased technoligisation of education, resulting in continued reliance on the internet and home education;  Emphasis on a highly skilled work force and capital intensive production rather than labour intensive methods leading to jobless growth as a feature of the global system presently;

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Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004  Replacement of traditional raw materials with manufactured ones (synthetics) disadvantaging the economies of the countries that historically specialized in the exportation of raw materials;  Massive cuts in social spending by governments, with social services being largely commodified including education; with the resultant growth of private education;  Privatization of the so called non core elements of the state and requisite services concomitant to such;  Reduction of the role of the state in the economy. 2.1.4.

The global economy has largely come to be owned by the monopoly companies from the west. The gap between the rich and the poor continue to spiral. Whilst states largely involuntarily disengage from core economic activity there has been greater regulation of the global economy and markets at an international level. Institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, World Trade Organisation and World Bank are at the center of the axis of the capitalist system today. Currency value determination and control has become a new and powerful instrument in the determination of economic policies of individual states. A knock on the currency has become some sort of „swart gevaar‟ to scare most progressive governments away from implementing bold social policies that challenge capitalism.3

2.1.5.

As part of progressive student movement‟s movement we do not only seek to academically engage with the above scenario that characterizes the balance of forces today. We pledge common course with the people of the world fighting for a more humane and just system, the present global scenario is also a direct nemesis to quality public education that is accessible to all. In pursuance of this struggle SASCO has actively associated with movements and many student organizations internationally that seek to bring change in this regard; they are inter alia the following:

   

The world Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY); Global Campaign for Education (GCE); International Union of Students (IUS); All Africa Student Union (AASU).

3. The National Context and Scenario “Never in history has any class achieved political power without having political leaders… capable of organizing a movement and leading it” - Lenin 3.1.

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SASCO as part of the Mass democratic Movement derives its program from the theory of the NDR of our broader movement as led by the ANC, but remains an independent student organisation. The NDR as a theory of our revolution was properly dissected in the 1962 program of the South African

NEHAWU; Strategic Policy Framework, 1998

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Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004 Communist Party (SACP).4 The NDR recognizes the intersection and dialectical connection between the struggle against race, class and gender oppression. Racial exploitation characterizes the dominant contradiction of our society, whilst the basic contradiction is that one of class and arguably the gender oppression. The strategic objective of the NDR is therefore seen as the “creation of a non racial, non sexist, prosperous and democratic Society. This in essence means the emancipation of Africans in particular and blacks in general from political and economic bondage. It means uplifting the quality of life of all South Africans, especially the poor the majority of which are Africans and Female”.5 3.2.

The basic contradiction of our society is the basis for most of the oppression that is presently founding. Since the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class antagonism and struggle, so the NDR of necessity seeks to resolve the national question as an ongoing process of resolving the underlying basic contradiction that gives birth to the dominant and antecedent manifestation of social contradictions. To put it otherwise, “it is the class contradictions existing in the economic base that bequeath deeper inequalities between various groups in our societies. The NDR is conceptualized … as providing a unilinear progression (not without twist and turns at times) that would usher into a … society where contradictions inherent in the capitalist system will be eliminated, and all forms of injustices…”6

3.3.

The state and related institutions such as institutions of learning being the concerted expression of political power and relatively the balance of forces, the immediate task that was defined as paramount has been that of the transformation of the state and related institutions. The South African state has historically largely been a state for the few, serving the interests of whites at the expense of the immense majority. The objective of our movement, and SASCO in its sector is to create a developmental state that primarily seeks to advance the interests of the poor. As part of the National Democratic Revolution this state must build all the social aspects of society such as cooperatives, associations, community owned ventures etc to build organizational capacity and ensure working class hegemony is extended to all parts of society.7

3.4.

As SASCO we inter alia note that the present structure of our national economy is a direct result of colonial and neo colonial domination, with the majority of the people still not living a decent life as a result. Whilst it is mixed in its set up, it is acutely skewed towards the dominance of capitalist‟s relations of production and ownership. Within the movement there are ongoing debates bothering on both strategic and tactical approaches of dealing with this reality. This is critical and as SASCO we cannot disengage in this regard because this would ultimately define or redefine the progression of the NDR, as it expresses the ongoing class battle within our

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SACP: The Road to South African Freedom 1962. ANC; Strategy and Tactics Document, 1997 pg 8. 6 Mzukisi Qobo, Congress Package, 1999 pg55. 7 NEHAWU March April 1998. 5

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Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004 society. The objective limitations in the economic transformation battle are charecterised by the dominance of the neo liberal orthodoxy of market driven economy. 3.5.

All this is charecterised by the obscene remnant of apartheid that we should seek to wholly obliterate in the interests of all. There are related social matters arising such as the social ills of crime and the question of disease such as HIV Aids that affect our communities beyond the student populace, as members of the community our members must engage in relevant campaigns in this regard as per our organizational commitment.

4. Strategy and tactics 4.1. Our vision 4.1.1.

The SPOT asserts correctly that we locate our vision of a transformed tertiary education system within the overall vision of the NDR, and that vision rests on the following five principles; equality, democracy, non racism, non sexism and redress. Therefore education institutions must be based on these institutions so that they again nurture a society that is based on these institutions. It is against these principles that we shall continue to merger the ongoing process of the restructuring of the education landscape structurally and at a systemic level. Invariably our education system continues to suffer from various structural in adequacies as pronounced by the continuing gender, race and institutional in equalities as expressions of even deeper class in equalities.

4.1.2.

Some of the issues that need an immediate overhaul are the goals, demography, structure, funding, governance, qualification structure, academic programs etc we are of the view that at least the National Qualifications Framework (NQF) does set the stage for addressing some of this issues. In other words academic constructs such as excellence, academic standards, and autonomy must subject themselves to these goals if they are to make practical sense.

4.1.3.

Our objective is to ultimately ensure that the people have a say in their education, this is necessary in the construction of people‟s education for people‟s power. We should continually struggle against cunning administrators who would set parallel processes of change in order to stretch us, or constructively disengage us and other popular forces from processes.

5. Our Approach 5.1. Surely indeed an immense opportunity for thorough transformation was ushered in 1994 and was further consolidated by subsequent democratic elections overwhelmingly won by our movement. The SACP correctly argues that we must, “assume full responsibility as the ANC led alliance, for our victory, and therefore for governing. We cannot allow the limitations of the transitional period … to become excuses for delays and hesitation on our side”. It remains our view and a correct one that access to political power without transforming the nature and exercise of that

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Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004 power will make a difference only for our own elite, living the masses and their organizations in the periphery. It is therefore our duty like all other components of the MDM without exclusion to ensure that political power were it is vested in our hands temporarily or permanently, what ever is relatively the case, it is exercised in the interests of the people. 5.2.

Neither should we assume that political power shall by its own volition become victories for the people; power not exercised is virtually non. This must also be the thinking and practice of SASCO, or their attitude to the spheres of influence to which they are deployed so that they bring value to our constituency society and the revolution. EVERY THING FOR THE REVOLUTION AND NOTHING AGAINST IT!

5.3.

As it relates to the democratic government and the state the relationship of the organisation shall be based on the understanding that the former is an arena for fierce ideological struggles and it is not inherent therefore that its actions would be geared towards fulfilling the aims and objectives of SASCO. The state as an entity of various elements, constituted by contradictory forces remains largely a subject of transformation and contest. Therefore to the extent that the government and the state move in tandem with the thinking and policies of SASCO we shall complement such through our programs, if the contrary takes place we shall contradict such. This Complementary and Contradictory (CC) approach in our relation with these societal organs shall be based on the analysis of the material situation based on SASCO policy and the founding reality, to determine amongst others the appropriate tactical approach to particular matters. Consistent with the dictum that policy and theoretical assumptions can only be tested in actual practice; from the time of the Government of national unity SASCO has successfully tested the correctness of this approach. Our theoretical adversaries, who pay lip service to the reality of struggle, have sought to assail this approach of the organisation, but all have failed to rise above semantic and metaphysical elegance8 and have not been worthy of a response from such a worthy organisation as SASCO with unquestionable credentials of struggle.

5.4.

SASCO is by its nature a REVOLUTIONARY AND MILITANT student political organisation with clear policies and principles9. In defining our allies or partners at each conjecture or time we must be able to define as to whether the are strategic, in that their principles and goals are in tandem with those of SASCO, or they are tactical in that we are brought together by a particular goal that we seek to achieve with them, or by a particular limited program on specific matters, this must be well defined for tactical purposes. To increase our base, power and even potential we shall variously seek to associate with other organizations, including student organizations, but as a matter of emphasis such relations and their objectives must always be defined a priori.

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This refers to sheer idealism not rooted in any practice or experience but populist demagogy that we have to battle against like all preceding revolutions, that had to come face to face with the armchair critics of their time. 9 The principles of SASCO are clearly enunciated in its constitution as Democracy, Non racism, Non sexism, African Leadership and Working Class Leadership.

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Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004 5.6.

SASCO‟s program as adopted at respective Congresses of the organisation unfolds in the context of the following four pillars of organizational work.

6. The Four Pillars of SASCO 6.1. Policy Work 6.1.1.

The ascendance of the democratic forces to political and state power variously, as a result of the struggles of the people, has magnified the task of policy work and elevated it to a Strategic task. For SASCO this means that we now have an opportunity to make policy in inputs into the process of systemic changes that are taking place at institutional and macro level but also at other issues broadly in society. We have already done much work in this regard as part of ensuring that our policy work becomes effective SASCO has deployed present and past Cadres of the organization to serve in various capacities in state and state related bodies. The challenge is to maintain the policy efficacy and lobbying capacity of the organization at all levels on matters of policy, particularly at the level of the branch were engagement with the institutional authorities on policy matters is a daily affair. But also increase such through the acquisition of both the material and human resource necessary. After all for the revolution to triumph it must draw the best into its ranks, the policy sphere in the student movement is no exception in this regard.

6.2. Campus Work 6.2.1.

The challenge of institutional transformation as an area of work is one that cannot be neglected and fall squarely within the pillar of campus work. Otherwise we would be contesting Student Representative Councils (SRC) elections and those of other bodies simply for its own sake. We need to strengthen student governance as part of an ongoing process of building capacity, simultaneously co-opting our opposition, as a way variously ensuring that opposition to SASCO is very limited. There has been a continuing trend over the last few years that have seen student governance continually losing credibility, because of unacceptable conduct on the part of some student leaders. But also because of false propaganda on inter alia the side of managements that fear the united force of students SASCO is now giving increasing attention to this and this must be pursued at all levels. Students must reclaim their high moral ground as the standard bearers of the new person that the revolution must build! Branches of SASCO and other bodies need to engage in campus work as part of their daily program this could entail assisting students with academic or social problems that they may encounter, it also relates to the general recreation of students. But most importantly this must be geared towards raising the hegemony of SASCO its policies and those of our broader movement. This amongst others requires working amongst and with students; student‟s organizations both academic and non-academic staff their Unions and Associations. It is also about taking policy work forward on campus through lobbying.

6.3. Community Work

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Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004 6.3.1.

It has been a historical motto of the student movement since the days of the South African Student Organisation (SASO) that WE ARE MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY BEFORE WE ARE STUDENTS, we need to affirm this in practice by continuing to work amongst the people. This would require the strengthening and establishment of the Student Reconstruction and Development Program Brigades we would work in respective communities. Hence in our attempt to entrench this in our society we have historically called for COMPULSORY COMMUNITY SERVICE. Some of the issues that constitute our program in communities are civic education, assisting with service delivery and the eradication of illiteracy amongst others. Amongst the key programs that we have to pursue at the level of the branch is that of building quality cadres, turning supporters into members and quantity into quality as a simultaneous and ongoing process.

6.4. International Work 6.4.1.

We have already reflected at length why the student movement in particular SASCO should not be blind to global factors. We cannot improve our country and education system outside the context of the global situation we find ourselves in. Our own people were great beneficiaries of the struggles of the international community against apartheid as a second equally important factor in this regard international solidarity programs must always be at the center of the agenda of SASCO and the progressive student movement. In this regard our organization would continue to form ties and interact with progressive organizations especially student organizations playing a role at a global stage being informed by the aforementioned characterization of organizations with whom SASCO shall associate.

7. Building a popular Movement for Transformation We must ensure that we put in the forefront firmly those forms of struggle and organisation which are best suited to the conditions prevailing during the flow and ebb of the movement at a given moment, and which therefore can facilitate and ensure the bringing of the masses to the revolutionary positions, the mobilization of the masses to the revolutionary front and their active participation in the front. 7.1.

One of the lessons that we have definitely learned in the struggle against apartheid is that the relative unity of all struggles working towards a common goal must be pursued and this is what ultimately ensured that our movement lands at the World Trade Centre negotiations and all that followed is now history… The ANC led movement is now in government! It is the task of all progressive students today to appreciate the task of building a strong ANC, SACP and Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) South African National Civic Organisation and other MDM formations through all contributions to their programs. It is only through the collective strengths of the entire movement not one of them singled out. It is important that SASCO structures link up with those formations of the MDM that are role players specifically in the sector. But also our engagement in other social campaigns that take forward the program of the NDR are critical as we highlighted

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Organising and Political Education Development Collectives - 2004 earlier, given the inherent contradictions in a state that is in transition this may be directed against the state at certain points in the context of the CC approach. The critical question in this regard is to ensure that all our programs do not undermine the hegemony of the NDR as a revolutionary program and the capacity to pursue such to its logical conclusion. But the pressure to which the state and government is subjected from the forces of reaction must be counter balanced by pressure from below. 7.2.

Then there is the task of building the Progressive Youth Alliance (PYA) composed by those youth formations belonging to the Congress movement of course the entire program that the Popular Movement for Social Transformation (PMT) should be build around is the NDR. The task of the PYA simply defined is the mobilization of young people (this include young people as a component of the youth) for their own interests and secondly behind the vision of the NDR as pursued by the broader movement. We have hitherto tended to elevate tactical matters of who leads the PYA to strategic matters and this has the possibility of obscuring the actual vision and goal. As an organisation and a progressive youth component of the MDM need to define in each new condition and circumstance as to what is our immediate goal and how do we relate in the pursuance of that goal as part of consolidating the strategic vision of the Popular Movement For Social transformation.

We need to further ensure that all structures in the sector (Education) share or relatively work towards our common goal as a movement. This amongst others entail the local and national SRC bodies, we should inter alia note that both the operations and nature and even scope of this bodies has been changing greatly, to the extent that we are not able to influence this the organisation would be largely disadvantaged. Again relative to the education sector there has been the emergence of many organizations and bodies, surely without a constituency that seek to contest the agenda of SASCO and that of our movement and we must have this in mind as SASCO as we build the PMT. We have also noted on various occasions that education has been seen as a possible launching pad by some of the opposition parties against the democratic regime in the recent past. BUILD STUDENT UNITY FOR BATTLES AHEAD! FORWARD TO DEMOCRACY IN EDUCATION.

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