Sixteenth Century Periodic Markets in Various Anatolian Sancaks: İçel, Hami̇d, Karahi̇sar-i Sahi̇b, Kütahya, Aydin, and Menteşe Author(s): Surai̇ya Faroqhi̇ Source: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Jan., 1979), pp. 32-80 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3632146 . Accessed: 15/12/2014 14:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

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Journalof the EconomicandSocialHistoryof the Orient,Vol. XXII, Part x

SIXTEENTH CENTURY PERIODIC MARKETSIN VARIOUS ANATOLIAN

SANCAKS I•CEL,HAMID, KARAHISAR-ISAHIB,KUTAHYA, AYDIN, AND MENTESE BY

SURAIYAFAROQHI (Ankara)

Researchon urbanizationin pre-industrialsocieties has, among other topics, been much concerned with the development of marketing, undertaken both by mobile firms primarily in periodic markets and by shopkeepers mainly in stores. At a certain level of economic development, a hierarchyof marketsestablishesitself. This means that large commercial centers come into existence which determine the choice of imported, city-produced, and specialty products ultimately to be made available to buyers in markets lower down the scale. Wholesale prices paid by sellers in these latter marketsare established in the majormarketingtowns. Goods are then chanelleddown through a series of commercialcenters serving progressivelysmallerareas,until a selection of wares adaptedto peasant budgets is carriedby itinerant peddlers to the village market. Locally produced goods, on the other hand, move in the opposite direction, until they reach consumersin a large city or exporting merchantsin a port town. Apart from the hierarchyof markets, states with a developed administrative structure usually establish a hierarchy of administrative centers, from the capital down to the districtlevel. Position of a town in the marketinghierarchymay influence its administrativestatus and the reverse may also happen. But the two hierarchiesare definitely separate,so that importantmarketcentersmay at certaintimes have no administrative function and administrative centers be commercially dependent on a near-bynon-administrativetown. In the present study,

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SIXTEENTH

CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN

SANCAKS

33

the main emphasis is on the markets. But due to the links outlined above, the presence or absence of administrativefunctions in a given settlement is considered an important feature when establishing categories of commercial centers 1).

Sljmavtt

A~ttota

* IkaphrtBd0Y t Aydlrdt 0na yasro

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j

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51

Settlet wth mo than 400 tapay Settlement weth more than 1000 taxpayers

B?lTER

RNE A

SOME OF THE MORE IMPORTANT TOWNS

I?

dentticatLo

and/or locoat;onquestaonable

AND MARKETS OF KARAHISAR-1 Ki•TAHYA, SAHIB, MENTESE,.HAMID AND AYDIN Cpyr

0 0

30

0

8Okm

MAP

: Surao Faroghi

I) Research connected with the present article was partly financed through a grant from the American Research Institute in Turkey. The approach used in this paper has been strongly influenced by G. William Skinner, "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China", TheJournalof Asian Studies,XXIV, i (1964), p. 3-43, XXIV, 2 (1965), p. 195-228 (The third section of the article, XXIV, 3 (1965), p. 363-399 deals with conditions after 1949), and by Gilbert Rozman, UrbanNetworks in Ch'ingChinaand TokugawaJapan (Princeton, 1973). Unfortunately, due to lack of data, it has not been possible to check Skinner's theory concerning the expansion of the rural marketingsystem under conditions of population growth and increased 3

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34

SURAIYAFAROQHI

Under considerationis the area which may roughly be called southwestern Anatolia, along with those parts of central and southern

Anatolia immediately adjacent to it. In Ottoman times, this part of the country encompassedthe sancaksor sub-provincesof hel, Hamid, Karahisar-1Sahib (equivalent to the area around modern Afyon), Kiitahya,Aydm, and Mentese. All except Iel belonged to the province (vilayet)of Anadolu, which corresponded to the western and "midwestern" part of Anatolia and whose center was Kiitahya. t9el was a sancak of Karaman until the conquest of Cyprus in 1571, when it was attached to the latter province 2). Originally complete coverage of the southwestern quarter of the Anatolian peninsula had been aimed at, but gaps in the sources made this impossible. Of Teke, that is the area around Antalya, Elmahl and Finike, node scription exists that provides information detailed enough for a comparison with other areas to be fruitful 3). On the other hand, the core area of Karaman, that is the sancaks of Aksehir, Aksaray, Nigde, Beysehir, Kayseri, Kirsehir as well as the central sub-province of Konya itself4), have been described in several tahrirs. However, since in this area, administrative practice as described in the kanunname commercializationdue to the impact of foreign trade. This is all the more regrettable as similar conditions seem to have obtained at least to some degree in certain parts of the Ottoman Empire during the sixteenth century. Gilbert Rogman's Urban Networksin Russia '7 o-Igoo andPremodern Periodization(Princeton, 1976) appeared after this article had gone to press. 2) For the administrative divisions and their location, see Donald E. Pitcher A Historical Geography of theOttomanEmpirefrom theEarliest Timesto theEnd of the SixteenthCentury,(Leiden, i972), map XXV. 3) However an abbreviated description survives: Basvek~let Arsivi, Istanbul (henceforth abbreviatedas BA) Tapu Tahrir section (henceforth: TT) no. 166. For pious foundations in the same area compare: Tapu ve Kadastro Umum Miidiirliigii, Kuyudu Kadime, Ankara(henceforthabbreviatedas TK) no. 567. See also Sehabettin Tekindag, "Teke Eli ve Teke Ogullanr",I 0"TarihEnstitiisi Dergisi, 7-8 (1976-77), p. 55-94. Of the sancakof Alanya only one usable description survives, therefore data pertaining to this region could only be used for backgroundinformation. 4) Tayyib Gdkbilgin, "XVI. Asirda Karaman Ey~leti ve Lirende (Karaman) Vakif ve Miiesseseleri", Vakflar Dergisi,VII (1968), p. 29-38, provides an overview over the most important administrative developments within the framework of this vilayet.

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

3

decreed that market taxes should not be collected in villages 6), little is known about trading arrangementsat the lowest level. As source material,mainly tax registers or tahrirhave been used 6). Whenever possible, three differentperiods have been compared: the reign of BayezidII, encompassingthe last years of the fifteenthcentury and the beginning of the sixteenth, the period of Kanuni Siileyman (1i 20-1566) and the years between 1i570 and 1590. Since tax registers

were not always compiled in all sancaksat the same time, certain deviations from this schedule could not be avoided: For Karahisar-1 Sahib, only two suitable tahrirs survive, one dated 935/J528-29 and In the case of Mentege, the probably oldest the other 980/1• 72-3 7). surviving tahrirremains undated8), the archivists of the Prime Minister's Archives in Istanbul have placed it in the period of Bayezid II. Since one of the tahrirfrom the early sixteenth centuryis dated I x7, it has seemed advisable to supplementit with a later register dated 970/ x562-63. This latter document pertains to the very end of Kanuni's reign and is situated quite close in time to the latest surviving text, see Omer Liitfi 5) For the juridicaland administrativecharacterof the kanunname Zirai Ekonominin Barkan, XV ve XVI inci Astrlarda Osmanli Imparatorlugunda Hukuki ye Mali Esaslars, Vol. I Kanunlar,I.I. Yaymlarmndan Edebiyat Fakiltesi TiirkiyatEnstitilsilNefriyat: (Istanbul, 1943) (from now on: Kanunlar),particularly the introduction. For further information Halil Inalcik, "Siileyman the Lawgiver and Ottoman Law", ArchivumOttomanicum, I (1969), p. Io5-I38, and Uriel Heyd, Studiesin Old OttomanCriminalLaw, ed. V. L. Mtnage (Oxford, 1973). For the kanunname of Karamancompare Kanunlar,p. 39 fif. 6) On the tax registers as historical sources: Omer Liitfi Barkan, "Tiirkiye'de Imparatorlukdevirlerininbiiyiik niifus ve arazi tahrirleri ve Hakan'a mahsus istatistik defterleri", LU Iktisat Fakiiltesi Mecmuas:, II,

i

(1940), p. 20-59, II, z (194i), p. 214-247.

Omer Liitfi Barkan,"TarihiDemografi Mecmuast, X (I953), P. I- 26.

ve OsmanhTarihi",Tirkiyat Arautirmalarl

Halil Inalcik, Hicri 83; Tarihbli Stiret-idefter-isancak-iArvanid,Tirk TarihKurumu Yaynlarmndan,XIV. Seri, No. i (Ankara, I954).

Omer L. Barkan, "Essai sur les donn6es statistiquesdes registres de recensement dans l'Empire ottoman aux XVe et XVIe silcles",Journalof the EconomicandSocial now on abbreviated:JESHO). History of the Orient,I (1957/58), p. 9-36, (from Omer L. Barkan,"Researchon the Ottoman fiscal surveys" Studiesin theEconomic History of the Middle East, ed. M. A. Cook (London, 1970), p. I63-I71. 7) BA, TT 147 and TK x 54.

8) BA, TT 47.

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36

SURAIYA FAROQHI

which was composed in the year 991/1583 9). But not in all cases were supplementarytahrirsavailable.Neither are all existing registersequally complete; due to varying administrativeboundaries,partialdestruction of manuscripts, and other similar causes certain territories may be seriously underrepresented. Evaluation of marketdata containedin the tahrirsis complicatedby the fact that the registers tend to add up such taxes as were assigned to one grantee, recording only a lump sum for the total 10). Moreover, it is awkward that not rarely do we find a market tax registered not with the settlementon which it was levied, but with a differentvillage or even administrative division 11). These problems tend to affect towns more than lower-level markets, since the yield of market taxes in villages was usually small and scarcely worth assigning separately. As an additional complication, we do not know whether the tahrirs recordedall periodic markets. Quite possibly, there were also places of commercial exchange which escaped registration. While one may assume that tax grantees were zealous in ferreting out possibilities for gain, some of these "unofficial"markets may have been too small in terms of business transacted, too far out of the way, or too intermittent to be worth taxing. When distinguishing between markets in places which formed an administrativecenter of some kind and in those which served no such functions, further problems present themselves. First of all, administrativeterminology in the Ottoman Empire seems to have been much more fluid than the one encountered,for instance, in China or Japan12): In the fifteenth century, the term vilayetwas used equallyfor 9) TK I Io and I 6. Io) See for instance concerning the sancakof Hamid, TK i1,p. 268b, where the markettax of Ispartais lumped together with dues from the dyers' workshop, a shop where sheeps' heads were sold (barhane),water dues from two canals used for irrigating rice-fields(ark), pasture dues and the resm-ikeylof Isparta,all of which had been assigned to the governor of Hamid. (sancakbe,) market dues of the nahiyecenter of Altuntas are ii) Thus in TK 47, P. 6oa the registeredin the nahiyeof Arslanapa. S12) Compare, Rozman, Urban Networks, p. 9 ff. for the principles underlying Chinese and Japanese administrativestructure.

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SIXTEENTH

CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN

SANCAKS

37

large entities such as Anadolu or Rumeli (the totality of Balkanprovinces) and for small units numberingtwenty to fifty villages 13). While the term sancakis reasonably unequivocal (although in certain areas changes in the boundarieswere quite frequent)the lower-level units of kaya and nahiyeare often hard to define. A clear hierarchyextending throughout the Empire was established only in the nineteenth century 14). In some places, such a hierarchy existed even around

but 1 50o;

in others our records call the same unit once kaya and once nahiye.Or

else we findnahiyes directlysubordinateto the sancakand kaZaswhich hadnot beendividedup into nahiyes. Correspondingly, determiningthe administrative centersof the variousunits may constitutea difficulty; this is especiallytrue of nahiyes with no urbanor semi-urbanplacein them.It seemsreasonableto regardas the centerof a nahiye the settlement which had given the unit its name,but in manycasesno such place can be discerned.Quite often, where the nahiyecentercan be determinedwithoutambiguity,it was also the largestsettlementin the area,but to this rulethereweremanyexceptions.At anyrate,in many cases it is doubtful whether the nahiyecenter was distinguishablefrom

the other settlementsin the district,at least wherethe smallernahiyes were concerned.Accordingto administrative regulations,a kadiwas to be residentin the centralplaceof a kaZa,who coulddelegateauthority to naibsthat might visit the nahiyeson his behalf15). In spite of various fermans forbidding the practice16), many naibs farmed their

officeand sometimesremainedin theirplacesfor a muchlongertime than the kad:himself.This musthave enhancedtheirlocal influence. In the tax registers,a marketappearsas a placewherea salestax,the 13) Compare: Tayyib G6kbilgin "II. ve i6. Asirlarda Eyilet-i Reim", Vakiflar Dergisi, VI (i965), p. 53. The same observation can be made for other regions of Anatolia as well. flk NuifusSayr,: z18I 14) Compare: Enver Ziya Karal, Osmani Imparatorlugunda TC Ba,rvekdlet Istatistik UmumMiidiirlgiiiNesriyat no. I95, TetkiklerSerisi No. 87. I5) For the duties of kadts and their naibs Ismail Hakki Uzungarslh, Osmani VIII. No. 17 Devletinin Ilmiye Tefkil/tt, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yaymnlarmndan Seri, (Ankara, 1965), P. I11-I1i8. 16) For an example of such a ferman,see Halil Inalcik, "Adiletn~meler",Belgeler, II, 3-4 (1965), P. 123-126.

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38

SURAIYA FAROQHI

so-called bac-tpagar, was collected

17).

Aislkpasazade has a story to tell

about the beginnings of this tax. Stressing the importance of markets for the prosperity of the Ottoman beglik,he reports how Orhan Gazi was only with difficultypersuadedby his advisors that the institution of a market tax was morally defensible

s18).

Associated with the bac-t

that is dues perceived pagarwas anothertype of revenuecalledihtisabiye, by the muhtesib,a person responsible for maintaining good order in the marketplace. This personage sometimes farmed his office and was remunerated by an assignment of certain taxes 19). At times, we also find a payment called resmi-ikeyl20). In some markets, but not very fre-

quently, we encountera tax called resm-isergiwhich was collected from market stalls. Especially in larger places, dues were levied in connection with the kapanor official weighing scales21). As a proof for the 17) For examples from different provinces of the Ottoman Empire, compare Kanunlar,index entries, "bac"and "bac-:pagar".See also Inalcik,Arvanid,p. XXVII, sultini bermhceb-i'drf-i cosmni, II Mehmedye II. ait Bayeziddevirlerine K.ani~nname-i ed. R. Anhegger, H. Inalcik, Tirk Tarih KurumuYaynyasakname ve IX. seri, No. (Ankara, 1956), pp. 59, 62. .~nnndmeler, larmndan Rechnungsbiicher tiirkischerFinanpstellenin Buda (Ofen), iy5o-i5do, tiirkischerText, ed. L. Fekete and Gy. Kaldy-Nagy, InstitutumHistoricumAcademiaeScientiarum Hungaricae,(Budapest, 1962), passim. Tibor Halasi-Kun,"SixteenthCenturyTurkish Settlementsin SouthernHungary", Belleten, XXVIII, o109 (1964), P. 16.

Nicoara Beldiceanu, Irene Beldiceanu-Steinherr,"Recherches sur la province de Qaraman au XVIe sitcle",JESHO,

XI, I (1968), p. 1-129, see p. 32/3 and 85.

Nicoara Beldiceanu, Recherche sur la ville ottomaneau XVe sidcle,6tudeet actes, archiologique Bibliothdque d'Istanbul(Paris, et historiquede l'Institutfranfais d'archiologie 1973) passim.

HohenPforte, Friihteit undAufstiegdes Osmanenreiches nach 18) Vom Hirtenzeltzur der Chronik"Denkwi'rdigkeiten undZeitiduftedesHauses 'Osman"vomrDerwischAhmed genannt'Atk-Pasa-Sohn, tr. Richard Kreutel (Graz etc. I95 9). 19) For the literature on the mubtesib,see the article "hisba", in Encyclopedia of Islam (EI)2: particularlyOmer L. Barkan,"XV. asrin sonunda bazl biiyiik sehirlerde tesbit ve teftisi hususlannt tanzim eden kanunnameler", esya ve yiyecek fiatlanrnin Tarih Vesikalart, I, 5 (1942), P. 326-340, II, 7 (1942) P. 15-40, II, 9 (1942), P. 168-177. Robert Mantran, Istanbuldans la secondemoiti6du XVIe sidcle,Essai d'bistoire et sociale,Bibliothdque et historiquede l'Institut institutionnelle, iconomique archiologique franFais d'archiologied'Istanbul (Paris, 1962), pp. 299-348. Beldiceanu,La villeottomane,p. 73-8 I. 20) Kanunlar, p. 313, 135, 319, 349. 2 I) These scales were often set up in large business buildings (han) and the

revenue derived from them could be set aside for a pious foundation: Fahri Dalsar,

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SIXTEENTHCENTURYMARKETSIN ANATOLIANSANCAKS

39

existence of a market place, bac-tpaZar and ihtisabiyeseem by far the

most important. Very roughly speaking, the revenue secured from a market as bac-t pagar should have been proportionalto the amount of business transacted there. However, importantuncertaintiesremain,since kanunnames do not survive for the provinces of Mentese and Karahisar-1Sahib; and the published kanunnames of Hamid and Kiitahyaare silent on the subject of market taxes2). Thus, Aycdinand t9el are the only sancaks on which we possess detailed information as to the rate at which differentgoods were taxed23). Under these circumstances,one can at best hope to compare certainmarketswithin one sub-province,whenever one has the good fortune to find marketdues recordedseparately. Even in such a case, comparison between values given for an individual market at different points in time can be quite difficult: it is well known that the value of the Ottoman silver coinage declined quite steeply at certain times 4). But we can not know for certain whether any attempt was made to cut down losses to the Treasuryby raising the rates. When explainingwhy marketscame into being at all, severalfactors have to be taken into account. Since the purchasingpower of peasants under conditions of traditionalagriculturewas quite low, it does not seem reasonable to consider their demand for consumer goods the most important variable 25). Rather it should have been the interests of

the ruling group, meaning for the sixteenth century the central adNo. 856, Iktisat Tiirk Sanayive TicaretTaribindeBursa'daIpekfilik, IfU Yaynlartndan Fakiltesi, No. IX6,p. 265-266. 22)

Kanunlar, pp. 32-33 and

23-28.

For Iel see Kanunlar,p. 48-55; for Aydin, p. 6-I8 and Himmet Akin, Aydmn AU Dil ve TarihCografyaFakiiltesi Ogullar:TarihiHakkrndabir Ara.ttrma, Yaytnlar: No. 60, TarihEnstitisil no. 6, 2nd edition (Ankara, 1968) p. 197-2I5. 24) Omer Leitfi Barkan, "The Price Revolution of the Sixteenth Century: A Turning Point in the Economic History of the Near East", International Journalof MiddleEast Studies,6 3-28. p. (I975), 2a) A differentkind of market, mainly oriented toward peasantneeds,is described by Chiian Han-sheng, "Periodic Fairs in South China under the Sung Dynasty", in ChineseSocialHistory, Translationof SelectedStudies,ed. E Tu Zen Sun and John de 23)

Francis (New York, 1966), p. 217-221.

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40

SURAIYA FAROQHI

ministrationand its servants,which determinedthe location of markets and the amount of business done there. Just as Rozman observes

in

the case of early China and Japan 26), markets must have served mainly

those officialswho lived in the village and received salariesin kind. In the case under considerationhere, this meant mainly the holders of tax grants, the so-called timar sipahileri,who were expected to perform

cavalryservice.Partof the obligationof the peasantsas determinedby the kanunnames was to carrythe grainthey paidas taxesto the nearest market.In certainplaces,the law specifiedthat no morethan a day's travelshouldbe requiredof the taxpayers,or else it forbadethe sipahis to demandfreetransportation to a marketotherthanthe closestone 27). These regulationsdemonstratehow closely Ottomanlocal administratorswereinvolvedwith trade. If theseassumptionsaboutthe characterof the marketaretrue,one would expectgrainmerchants,eitherfrom nearbytowns or from the capital,to have frequentedeven low-level markets.Otherwisethe sipahis,or, in those caseswherethey also actedas sellers,the peasants, shouldhave been withoutcustomers.In fact we know that merchants secureda specialrescriptwhich enabledthem to buy grainfor transportationto the capital"). The insistencewith which the central administration attemptedto securethe priorityof Istanbulsuggests that there may have been considerablecompetitionamong buyers. In addition, certain peasantsprobably marketedfruit, vegetables, eggs, and similarproduce;this kind of commercemust have been especiallysignificantin grape-growingareas.It would be extremely interestingto know somethingabout the backgroundof the sellers attendingperiodicmarkets;but the documentslocatedso far provide no evidencein this direction. Thus one may assumethat in any marketat least the following 26) Rozman, UrbanNetworks,p. Io6. 27) Kanunlar, p. 131, 175, 287, 321. See also Liitfi Giiu~er,XVI-XVII.

Astrlarda

HububatMeselesive HububattanAlman Vergiler, Istanbul Osmanlh Imparatorlu•,nda Universitesi No. o075, Iktisat Fakiltesi No. I 52 (istanbul, 1964), p. 57-58. Yaymlarmndan 28) Liitfi Giu9er, "Osmanlh Imparatorlugu dahilinde hububat ticaretinin tibi oldugu kayltlar", .LU. Iktisat Fakiltesi Mecmuas:, i3, 1-4 (1951-5 2), p. 79-98.

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

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features were present: from local agriculturalsubsistence production, taxes in kind were levied. What was not consumed by office holders and their servants either on the spot or at the center, was set free for sale. Moreover, it appears that peasants also paid dues in money; to secure the necessary cash they sold part of their crop 29). In addition,

those with larger holdings may have had more farm produce to sell and were thereby enabled to enter the market as buyers of garden land, vineyards, farm animals, or even slaves 30). Also, they may have

functioned as money-lenders and even minor tax-farmers, which activities should have stimulatedthe local market. Some of the money taxes may have been spent locally and thereby had the same effect. In certain areas, where production of non-subsistence crops was significant, a second set of factors may have overlain the first one. One of the more important non-subsistence crops was rice: it was

often cultivated by people who were not legally peasants. This means they were exempt from the usual taxes, while the central administration appropriatedmost of the produce31). Another instance was cotton-growing, which seems to have been in the hands of normal peasants.It was fairly common in areaswhere the climatewas suitable, such as the Mediterranean coast 2). Also we know of cases in which

large landowners set up farms, so-called fiftliks, in the northwestern corner of Anatolia to profit from the large demand for food and other staples generated by the city of Istanbul 33). Where a large part

of the crop was preempted by the central administration,the latter probably distributedmost of the stocks among its servants and pious 29) Sp J. Asdrachas,"Aux Balkansdu XVe silcle: producteursdirectset march6", EtudesBalkaniques,6, 3 (1970), P. 36-69. 30) For the estate of a wealthy peasant indicative of such activities compare the kad:sicilleriin the Konya Museum (vol. II, p. 318-9). 31) For the rules governing rice production by cultivators of special status compare for instance Kanunlar,pp. 54, 275, 283. 32) Its cultivation is apparent from the tax registers, since a special tithe, the @r-ipenbe,was levied upon it. Usually it is given only in money and thereby does not allow us to estimate the amounts actually harvested, but TK 172, a register dealing with Alanya, includes quantities of actual cotton as well. 33) Comparemi'himme defterivol. 70, p. I36.

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SURAIYA FAROQHI

42

foundations34). But it is imaginable that a certain amount found its way onto the market either directly or indirectly. Only this would often not be a marketwithin the producing region, but either in Istanbul or in some other area where the recipients of government grants happened to be resident. Tax payments levied from cash crops and paid over to local administratorsshould have influencedthe marketin much the same way as if they had been derived from subsistence

farming. Moreover, both peasantsand largerlandholdersmust have sold their cash crops on the market.In the case of the former, most probablyonly a local market was accessible, while the latter, with larger supplies of money and a more developed organizationalnetwork at their disposal, may in many cases have favored more important centers a longer distance away. In addition, crops that served as raw materialsmade possible the establishmentof rural crafts on a significant scale. Evidence for such activities has been found around Amasya, close to the Black Sea coast, and in the district between Anamur and Silifke on the Mediterranean 35). Since the products of such crafts were sometimes traded both locally and over considerable distances, the existence of rural employment outside of agriculture further strengthened the activity of the local market. Another opportunity for marketing activities must have arisen out of the interaction of nomads and settled peasants. Sofar, we still do not know enough about the periodic migrations of large and small tribal units during the period under study 3B). In the sources, conflicts 34) For a ferman assigning quantities of rice from the fields of Boyabad to the dervish community of Uryan Baba near Eskisehir compare TK 575, p. 89b. 35) Compare BA milbimmedefteri, vol. 41, p. 378, vol. 6, p. 330 and TK x28,

p. 33o ff.

36) See Ahmed Refik, Anadolu'da Tirk Afiretleri (966-20oo)

(Istanbul, 1930).

Xavier de Planhol, "Geography, Politics and Nomadism in Anatolia", International Social ScienceJournal,

ii

(i959), p. 525-531.

Faruk Stimer, Oguelar(Tiirkmenler),Taribleri,Boy TeSkilitlart,Destanlar:,znd ed.,

A U Dilve Tarih-CografyaFakiiltesi

170, (Ankara, 1972), and also the pre-

Yaymnlars, vious articlesby the same author quoted in the bibliography at the end of the book. Afiretleri Iskin Tefebbisui Cengiz Orhonlu, Osmanl Imparatorluunda (1691-1696), IstanbulUniversitesiEdebiyatFakiiltesi Yayinlar:,No. 998, (Istanbul, 1963).

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SANCAKS

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connected with the routes to be followed on such occasions loom large. But at the same time, there must have been considerable opportunity for commercialexchange, especiallysince constraintson the production of fodder must have often limited the number of animals that settled peasants were able to keep. It seems that the summerpastures were a favored place as far as commercial exchange was concerned.They were quite often shared between several villages and tribal units. Temporary markets were set up in such places for the duration of the summer season. Even today, such yayla patarlart are still held in the more remote parts of Anatolia

37).

A specialsituationobtainedon the stopping placesalong the armyand caravanroutes, particularlythe great diagonal road leading from tstanbul to Aleppo, and the northern route which passed through Ankara, Amasya, and Tokat on its way to Erzurum 38). The numerous small

ports (iskele)fall into the same category39). Wherevera physicalbarrier slowed down movement or necessitated a change in the means of transportation,an internalcustoms barrierwas easily established.With goods and merchantssettling down for more or less protractedwaiting, a certainamount of auxiliarytradewas easilyorganized,which ultimately might lead to the establishmentof an independentmarket. In certain cases, it was the central administration which founded

towns and thereby opportunitiesfor commercialexchange. Usually the reason proferred was the suppression of brigandage. But besides the 37) Information provided by Leila Erder, Department of City and Regional Planning, Middle East Technical University, Ankara. 38) Interesting material on officially used roads can be found in the miihimme defterleri,which contain large numbers of official rescriptsconcerning the despatch of couriers (ulak).It supplementsthe older work of Franz Taeschner,Das anatolische nachosmanischenQuellen, Wegenety 2 vols. TiirkischeBibliothek No. 22 and 23 (Leipzig, I924-5)

and the more recent studies of Halil Sahillioglu, "Dtrdiincti

Muradin

Bagdat seferi Menzilnimesi-Bagdat seferi Harp Jurnahl"Belgeler,II, 3-4 (1965, DerbendTefkiltt, Istanbul p. 1-36 and Cengiz Orhonlu, Osmani Imparatorlugunda Universitesi Edeblyat Faki/tesi YayrnlartNo. 120o9 (Istanbul, 1967). For the Selcuk

antecedents of the Ottoman road system, see particularlythe interesting map in M. Kemal Ozergin, "Anadolu'da Selguklu kervansaraylari",TarihDergisi, XV, 20 (1965), p. 141-170. 224

39) For regulations concerning customs duties at iskelessee Kanunlar,pp. 211 ff., f., 238 f.

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SURAIYA FAROQHI

distribution of grain to troops on the march was also made easier in a center with marketingfacilities. A well-known example is the founbetween Konya and Ulukisla40), where dation of Karapminar-Sultaniye Selim II had his court architect Mimar Sinan build a complex containing mosque, hostelry, bathhouse and bazaarto form the point of crystallizationfor a new town. The sources do not mention a market, but it is reasonableto assume that such an institution existed as well. Elsewhere, fortifications and caravansaraysmade necessary the foundation of a market. In the miihimme defterleri,we find a fermanestablishing this institution near the castle of Mamuriyeoutside Anamur41),

whilea tax registerof Iel refersto a market"outsidethe caravansaray of SultanAlaeddin"42). Particularly importantin this respectwas the fact that in manycastlesalong the Mediterranean coast lived former soldiers,whose duty it was to remainin the fortresseven duringthe summer, when most other families left for their summer-pastures43). Where such a population reacheda certainsize, it must have enabled a

marketto sustainitselfthroughoutthe year. Documentationin the mi/himme providessome information defterleri as to the conditionsunderwhich the centralgovernmentallowedor of markets.Administratively, disallowedthe establishment this matter seemsto have fallenwithinthe provinceof the kad:,for relevantcorrespondencenormallywent throughhis hands.Severalconsiderations enteredthe picture,of whichthe mostimportantseemto havebeenthe interestsof personscollectinggovernmentrevenue.Thus,a tax-farmer offeredto takechargeof the publicscalesof the town of Pmarhisar in 40) On the establishment of Karapinar-Sultaniye:Other L. Barkan, "Osmanh

Imparatorlugundabir kolonizasyon metodu olarak vakiflar ve temlikler", Vakflar Dergisi, II (1942), part 2, pp. 354-365.

For a description of the surviving parts of the complex see Semavi Eyice, "Sul-

taniye-Karapminar'adair", Tarib Dergisi, XV, 20 (1965), p. 117-140. 41) Mihimme defteri vol. 41, p. 355. The Mamuriye market is also documented in TK 128, p. 253. For a brief descriptionof the fortress see Ernst Diez, Oktay Aslanapa,

Mesut Koman, KaramanDevri Sanath,LU. EdebiyatFakiltesi Yaynymlar:, no. 459, Sanat Taribi Enstitisil no. 7 (Istanbul, 1950o), p. 32-3. TK 128, p. 277. 42) 43) TK 128, p. 492 if.

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Thrace and pay the central administrationI2,00oooakje for a three-year privilege.As a condition he demandedthat certainvillage marketswhich were not authorizedby imperialrescriptand hence had no officialstatus should be closed down 44). Other interests,representedby the administratorof a local pious foundation,complained;however, theirobjections were overruled45). How importantofficial status was for the functioning of a market can be gathered from a rescript answering a petition of the kads of MamuriyenearAnamur46). Since the documentoriginally authorizing the gathering had been lost, people supposedly did not dare to continue the market until a new one had been issued. However even the possession of an official order might not be enough to protect the marketif influentialtax granteesobjected.Thus the administratorof the imaret of Sultan Bayezid in Amasya complained of the decrease in his revenues, due to the fact that a certain person had obtained authorization to establish a new market near Saban6ziti(district of Cankin, north of Ankara)47). He ensured ac-

ceptanceof his pleafor abolitionby statingthatthe marketof Saban6zii itself, which for nearlyfifteenyearshad been producing6000 akeea yearfor his foundation,was beinghurtby the competition. In spiteof the fact thatmarketsexistedin metraasand tiny villages, a settlement could apparentlystrengthenits claim to the privilege if it

alreadypossessedcertainotherinstallations.Thus the kad:of Barinih, in the area of Karahisar-1 Sahib, requestedthe establishmentof a marketin the village of Baghcafor the following reasons48). The settlement was located on a road and travellers were being inconvenienced by the lack of an authorizedplace in which to make their purchases.Moreover, the place alreadypossessed a Friday mosque, a hamamand a public fountain. Existence of a Friday mosque and an oratorium(mescid)were also adducedin the case of ~arkarye,a village 44) Milhimmedefterivol. 26, p. x6i. 45) Most probably the foundation of Hurrem Sultan, wife to Kanuni Siileyman; compare IA, article "Hurrem Sultan". 46) Mibimmedefteri,vol. 41, p. 355. 47) Mhhimmedefteri, vol. 41, p. 90-9I.

48) Mitbimmedefteri,vol. 26, p. x65.

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in the kara of Beggehir49). A connection between mosque and market can be observed in some places even in the twentieth century. Thus Peter Benedict reports that in the province of Mugla marketsare often held on a Friday and that villagers visit the central place for both shopping and worship 50). A market had a better chance of survival if it could be proven that

it was in fact an ancient(kadimi)institution.Accordingly,the rescript orderingthe abolitionof the paZarof Kirahl due to of the unruly behaviorof the people participatingin it, statedthat the marketin this village between Giimiilcineand Hasskdywas in fact of recent date51). But the definitionof "ancient"was highly variable;thus the marketof Saban6dzii, whichapparently was no olderthanfifteenyears, qualifiedas "kadimi".Howeverthe respectofficiallyaccorded"old" marketsprobablyaccountedfor the factthatthe vastmajorityof places possessinga marketin the late fifteenthcenturystill did so a good hundredyearslater.Only rarelydo sixteenthcenturyregistersrecord that a certainplace had previouslypossesseda marketwhich was no longer in use. The reasonfor this administrativeconservatismwas mainlythe difficultyinvolvedin estimatingand reallocatingrevenue. Whencomparingthe marketsandassociatedsettlementsformingthe subjectof this study with those of Chinaand Japanas describedby Rozman,what firstmeetsthe eye is the differencein size. In the two lattercountriesat the beginningof the nineteenthcentury,the seventh and lowest categoryin the urbanhierarchyis consideredto be the standardmarketwith a residentpopulationof less than three thousand52).If thiscriterionwereappliedto theAnatoliansituationof about I 5o to few places would be more than standard I580, only very

markets.Even a provincial capitallike Ktitahyawould rank no higher than the next lowest category: "intermediatemarketingcenter, serving 49) Mihbimme defteri,vol. 7, p. 69. 5o) Peter Benedict, Ula, An Anatolian Town, Social, Economic and Political Studies of the Middle East (Leiden, I974), pp. 2I6, 230-3I. 5yI) Mihimme defteri, vol. 67, p. Ioy. 5z2) Rozman, Urban Networks, p. 60.

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as a nexus for nearby level-seven markets" 53). However it seems that

functional differentiationexisted among the urbancenters of sixteenthcentury Anatolia, and this should not be obscured by limiting analysis to virtually two categories. For this reason, it has been decided to ignore the population measures suggested by Rozman who is also reticent concerningthe size of sixteenth-centurymarketingsettlements, and substitute others more appropriateto the Anatolian situation. In the context of this study, a standardmarketis defined as a settle-

arecollected,but mentin whichmarkettaxes(bac-z pagarandihtisabiye) which has not given its nameto any kaza or nahiye,and whose taxpaying populationnumbersat least ten and at most four hundred. Landingplaceswherecustomsdutieswere collectedhavebeen treated as markets.Total populationin such a settlementshouldamountto minimumand I200oo betweenthirtyandfourty-fiveas an approximate to I8oo as a maximum.By this devicewe eliminatethe marketsto which no permanentsettlementwas attached.By excludingkara and nahlye centers, however small, we avoid regardingas standardmarkets settlementswhich the Ottomanadministration most likely treatedas towns 51). The intermediatemarketingcenter is much more difficultto define. Our documents do not allow us to determinewhether a town of a certain size, which sustaineda market,really formed a connecting link between the surrounding lower-level settlements, as Rozman's

definitionrequires.Withinthe presentcontext,it has been decidedto consider as intermediatemarketingcenters those market towns which ranged between four hundred and fifteen hundred taxpayers (I2oo0053) Rozman, UrbanNetworks,p. 14. 54) Ottoman tax registers generally called a town of whatever size "nefs-i ...",

while a village was introduced as "karye-i .. .". However, certain tahrirs differentiate

between nefsand kasaba,of which the first must have been the higher-rankingone. Other registers call the nefs"fehir". When categorizing settlements in terms of population size, people registered under the heading of a village have been counted as its inhabitants.This may produce some distortion in the case of nomads and peasants attached to pious foundations, for with them in many cases actual residence and place of registrationdo not seem to have coincided. However, a differentmethod of counting would have increased the possibilities for confusion too much.

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48

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18oo minimally and maximally 4500oo-6750 inhabitants) and which

apparentlyhad no administrativefunctions. In some very few cases, particularlyin the sub-province of Mentege,we find marketsattached not to a locality but to tribal groupings. These have been treatedas standard markets or intermediate marketing centers depending on the size of the nomad community55). Rozman's "lowest administrativecenter" or "district capital"is the categoryinto which all known kagaandnahiyecentershavebeen grouped if the existence of a marketcould be documented.Unfortunatelysome of these centers were quite small, so that a neat gradationin size such as the one established for China and Japan could not be maintained 56).

In one case, the inclusion of a settlement turned out to be a matter of more or less arbitrarydecision. Throughout the first half of the sixteenth century, the town of Megri in Mentese (modern Fethiye) formed the center of an administrativeunit named after it. In the middle of the century, the place was inadequately defended. For in spite of its shelteredlocation on a deep bay and the existence of stillsurviving medieval fortifications, it suffered so much from pirate attacksthat the population abandonedthe entire settlementand moved to inland IJziimlti, which thereby considerably increased in size. In 1583, when the last surviving tahrir of Mentese was prepared, the recording officialsrecognized the existing state of affairsby registering Megri as empty, maintaininghowever the taxes originally attachedto the place. These were presumably to be defrayed by the former inhabitants in their new location 57). It would have been defensible to regardUziimlii as the new administrativecenter. But in order to avoid the impression of inordinatepopulation growth, it has been preferred TK IIo, p. 219b/z220a. Population limits for intermediate marketing centers

55) been set wide have apart, so as to leave no recorded market settlement outside of the establishedcategories. 56) For a list of Ottoman cities and their estimatedpopulations, compare Barkan, "Tarihi Demografi", p. 22. For the Southeast of Anatolia, see also Nejat G6yiing "XVI. Yiizyllda Giiney-Dogu Anadolu'nun Ekonomik Durumu: Kanuni Stileyman ed. ve II. Selim Devirleri", Tiirkiye Iktisat Tarihi Semineri, Metinler-Tarttfmalar, Osman Okyar (Ankara, 1975), p. 71-o02. 57) TK ixio, p. I32b f.

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CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN

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49

to Count the former inhabitantsof Megri as the only "residents" of the administrativecenter. In the next category "second lowest administrative center, prefecturalcapital,or majorregionalport", all the capitalsof sub-provinces have been included, not excepting Kiitahya. For in spite of the fact

that it was also the capital of the province of Anadolu, it does not seem to have differed either in size or economic activity from other sancakcapitals. As far as ports were concerned, the only towns that possibly qualified were Urla, tzmir, Ayasolug and Balat58). But since our knowledge concerning the volume of shipping in these ports is somewhat sketchy, it has been preferredto view these places as intermediate markets and low-level administrative centers respectively 59).

Another aspect of Rozman's approachis connected with the period at which differenttypes of market towns first appearedand the combinations of types prevailing at differentperiods60). Unfortunatelyour sources do not allow us to make any statements about lower-level entities before the late fifteenth century. If we regard the Ottoman Empire as a whole, we find that levels I, 4, 5, and 7 were definitely in place by about I520. Level 6 was weakly developed even toward the

end of the sixteenthcentury,while it is difficultto decide whether cities like Cairo, Aleppo, and Damascus should be considered as level 2 or as level 3. It has to be kept in mind that most urban centers in the Ottoman

Empire by far predatedthe establishmentof the latter, even if certain of them may at times have lost most of their inhabitants.Also village markets must have existed for quite some time before they were first documented, since even in the oldest tax registers we sometimes find settlements named "Pazar"or one of the derivations of this word 61). and Mentese. 58) For relevant literaturesee the sections on Aydmin 59) Since the three types of upper-level cities as defined by Rozman do not occur in the area studied, they have not been discussed in this context. 60) Rozman, UrbanNetworks,p. 52. 61) A register for the sancakof Kiitahya from the period of Bayezid II yielded the following names: Pazar near Simav (TT 45, P. 46), Pazarh near Seyhli (TT 45, and encompassing further administrative divip. 342). A defter dated 918/i 512-13

sions from the same area contained among others: Eskipazarnear Altuntas (TT 49, 4

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O50

SURAIYA FAROQHI

Since in many of them no markettaxes were recorded,we are probably not far wrong in assumingthat their marketfunctionshad lapsedbefore the first surviving tahrirswere prepared. Some of the other results obtained for China and Japan are also rather difficult to duplicate with Ottoman material. Rozman reports

that in Japan during the Tokugawa period, the system of periodic markets was already becoming obsolete and exchange in stores was gaining ground 62). For the area studied here, it is difficult to do more than make statements about the expansion or contraction of markets in terms of number and, occasionally, in terms of revenue produced. We do not know whether, on the average, there was an increase or a decline in the number of times these markets met, and how they developed in terms of the area they served or the volume of business transacted in them. As far as the number of shops is concerned, the registers only provide information about those connected with pious foundations (vaktf) as revenue-producing items, and even that only occasionally. We do not know what percentage of all shops was owned by private persons so that no global figures on the stores in any one town can be given 63)

When dealing with the factors that determined the evolution of urban networks, Rozman assumes that from antiquity to the early modern period, it was the political administration that played the

decisive role 64). In conformity with the results obtained by previous researchers, it has been assumed in the present study that the same is true for the Ottoman Empire as well 65). However, by the seventeenth century, the workings of the market are considered to be at least equally important where the Chinese and Japanese urban system is concerned. It would be more difficult to make such a statement for p. 21), Pazarclk near Arslanapa (TT 49, p. 262), Bazargin (or Pazargth) near Arslanapa(TT 49, P. 263). 62) Rozman, Urban Networks, p. io6.

63) For more detailed information see the section on Mentege. 64) Rozman, UrbanNetworks,p. io5. See for instance Halil Inalclk, The OttomanEmpire, The ClassicalAge 3o0o65) I6oo (London, 1973), p. 14o ff.

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CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN

SANCAKS

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the region studied here. The only indicator of such a development would be an increasein the number of market towns without or with only very low administative ranking, and such places were by no means very frequent at any time during the sixteenth century66). As a factual basis for answering the questions outlined above, the market data extracted from the tahrir have been grouped in a number of different tables. Proceeding from sancak to sancak, the number of markets per nahliyeor kaza has been computed, and the places in which market taxes were collected have been divided up among the categories established above. From these tables emerge certain features peculiar to a given sancak or group of sancaks, and others which characterize all the units investigated. In the present study, the develop-

ment of the marketsystem is regardedsomewhat in isolation, and only occasionally linked to such factors as population growth, urban growth and increases in foreign trade. It is hoped that further research will bring out these linkages more clearly.

ire!

I? Vordnresi;

aiteol?

*Atanyo

~d

~

po o Townw;th more than I000 taxpayers

*

Settlementwithmore than 400 taxpayers

o

Standard market

Oiidenli (?l .0dhroo

.loooyk *

, Zey?,ne

MARKETS IN THE SANCAKOF I;CEL T TTK 128) (ACCOROING

Boytwu~retlrmt)

Lamas (? O~iirerqroaon

Movooo(?) Kiipniipaaonr(?) *Oeaendet .Sror

.1kf??)

9

Karge

!A

lanebolI?) 9 Ennenek

0

0

ooa()

o

30

0

4,0

MAP

(?) Loation and/or identificationquesti;onable. The placesinquastionhave only been located

?

Copyright: Suroat Faroghl

inthe appropriatekoza,

66) Compare Rozman, Urban Networks, p. Io8-ro9.

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40

k

2

SURAIYA FAROQHI

Development of administrativedivisions in the sancakof Iel indicates gradual intensificationof government control in this area, which had only passed under Ottoman control during the second half of the fifteenth century. Under Selim I, the area was divided up into four kaZas:Mud, to which Silifkewas attachedas a nahiye,Karatas,Ermenak and Giilnar 67). To the latter, Manyan, Anamur, and Selindi (modern

Gazipasa) were attached as nahiyes.According to the tax register composed at this time, Mud contained a population of II,175 payers, Karatas numbered

2,457,

Ermenak

3,114,

tax-

while no data are

available for Giilnar. The sancak as a whole should have thereby contained upwards of 16,746 taxpayers. If we assume, somewhat arbitrarily, that Glilnar had a slightly larger taxpaying population than Mud, we arrive at a total of about thirty thousand, which seems reason-

able in view of the fact that the sancaksupposedly contained over thirty-seventhousand under Kanuni Stcileyman 6s).

In the seconddefter,compiledin I55 duringthe reignof this ruler, Silifkeand Selindihad apparentlybecomeindependentkaras;otherwise,nothingmuchhadchanged.UnderKanuni'sgrandsonMuradIII, Anamurand Sinanhl,a village in the vicinityof Mud, seem to have been promotedto the same rank. Moreover,certainnomadic communitieswere groupedtogetheras the unit of Bozdogan69). In this area, towns were few and far between; a large section of the

populationeither consistedof nomads or had just recentlysettled down to farm, moving between summerquarterson the yayla and winter quarterson the coast 70). Only four places were recognized as 67) See TT 83, pp. 213, 264, 322.

68) TT 387, p. 335.

69) TT

272

passim and TK 128.

Sofar, the only easily accessible information on the relative size of sedentary and nomad communities is to be found in the icmals,an abbreviatedversion of the tahrirregisters containing no person by person enumerationsof taxpayers.For this reason, some of the data to be found in this kind of source have been summarized in Table 8. However, as comparison of the data on markets shows, the icmalstend toward underenumerationand should therefore be used with caution. For special conditions in I9el, aside from the kanunname (Kanunlar,48-55) see also Beldiceanu, "Qaraman",p. 62-63. 70)

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

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majorfortress nefsand at least semi-urban:Silifke, seat of the sancakbeg, and commercial center even though it had less than a hundred regular

taxpayersregisteredat the end of the sixteenth century; Mud, located in the midst of a rice-growing area; most probably Gillnar, even though practicallynothing is known about the town, reason it was omitted from all the registers; and Ermenak which at the end of the sixteenth century held 1,254 taxpaying inhabitants and thereby constituted one of the largest settlements in the area under study. Much larger than Mud and Silifke taken together was a place that was never reckoned more than a village, namely Gezende, which toward the end of the sixteenth century numbered eight hundred taxpayers. It probably owed its prosperity to the weaving of light cotton fabrics for use as lining materialwhich were tradedoutside the area as well. Its superiorimportancewas acknowledgedby the central administration,which sent a specialferman regulating the quality of its fabrics71). With eight manned castles, I9el was the most heavily fortified sancakamong the units studied here, and this was true even before the conquest of Cyprus. The latter event however brought additional large numbers of soldiers and administratorsinto the area: the iskele of Akliman was fortified in order to guarantee access to the island. Trade was stimulatedby these developments:the centraladministration expressly stated that people who wished to build shops or kervansarays must in no way be hindered 72). In fact, toward the end of the century

the town boasted at least three hansand almost a hundred shops; some had even been establishednear the iskelein Akliman. Also, chance has preservedan indication as to the size of the weekly market. The main mosque and a gaviyein town possessed the right to levy half an akeeon 71)

Miihimme defteri, vol. 6, p. 330.

For regulations concerning cotton fabrics compare also Beldiceanu, "Qaraman", p.

36-37? See W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-dge (Amsterdam, 19 9), vol. 2, p. 6I2. 72)

Miihimmedefteri, vol. 19, p. 1539.On later storage facilities in Akliman compare

vol. 9, p. 321. Evliya ?elebi, Seyahatnamesi,

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J54

SURAIYA FAROQHI

people doing business there, and the weekly yield was estimated at about twenty-five akye7s). Therefore the marketitself can hardly have been a major business center. In summer,when the population left the town for theyaylak,the marketwas desertedand complaintsreachedthe centraladministrationthat no food could be found 74). Markets registered in the tahrirs showed a significant increase throughout the sixteenth century: from only thirteen in the reign of Selim I to thirty-two in I 5 x and forty-three in I~584.Among the oldest marketswere those at the seat of the sancakbeg and in the lowerlevel administrativecenters. As a matter of fact, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the of the nahbye of Selindi and kaza Ermenak, the nahiyeof Anamur had only one officially registered market each, while the administrativeunit of Karatashad none at all. In Silifke the only market beside the one in the town itself was located in or near the fortress of Mara.Only the of Mud and Gtilnarseem to have kazas possessed a number of recognized marketseven at this time. Contraryto what might have been expected in view of our knowledge of population developmentsin Anatolia as a whole 75), the highest increase in the number of markets took place in the first half of the sixteenth century and not in the second. Possibly this is simply due to the fact that the older defteris less complete than the later ones; but other explanationsare equally possible. One might venture the guess that markets were first established by administrativefiat, to increase the revenue of the area by supplying outlets for sale. It is likely that surplus agriculturalproduce consisted largely of raisins, cotton, and garden produce, since arableagriculturewas weakly developed due to

73) TK 576, p. 4b-sb. 74) Miihimmedefteri,vol. i8, p. I25. However, the central administrationdeemed it wise to not interfere with the yearly migration of its subjects. 75) Aside from Barkan'sarticles cited in footnote no. 6, compare M. A. Cook, London Oriental Series vol. 27 PopulationPressurein Rural Anatolia considerablepopulation increase from many (London, 1972). There is evidence for iz4o-,6oo, other parts of Anatolia as well, including the areas around Konya and Sebinkarahisar.

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the natural characteristicsof the area76). Once a network of markets had been established,the number of taxpayersregisteredin administrative centers, which had shown only a very slight increase during the first half of the sixteenthcentury,startedto grow by leaps and bounds: from 818 under Selim I to 893 in 1I5i and from there to 2,oo006in 1584 (or 1840 if the newly formed kara center of Sinanhl is excluded

for the sake of greater comparability).But as long as general demographic tendencies in the countryside of Iel are not known, nothing more definite can be said as to the reasonsfor this development. Most of the new residents of administrativecenters seem to have congregated in the town of Ermenak, but the tax registers do not specify the way in which this additional population made a living. However, the town possessed public scales (kapan)for the weighing of cotton and it is likely that weaving was practisedhere as it was in Gezende 77).

Marketsnewly opened were either located in temporaryand minor settlements or else constituted standardmarkets.Especially where the former were concerned, part of the numericalincrease shown by the registers was probably spurious. It is quite likely that many meZraamarketswere not recorded in the early registers, since frequentlythey met only a few months each year and were often administratively attached to permanent settlements. Development of intermediate marketswas slow; only two places qualifiedat the end of the sixteenth century. Aside from Gezende, the village of Kara Hamza, in the kaga of Karatas to the east of Silifke, grew until it contained more than four hundred tax-paying inhabitants. Since this administrativearea seems to have had no clearly defined center, it is possible that Kara Hamza fulfilled at least the marketing functions of such a place. But

also acknowledged the preponderanceof bag land: Kanunlar, 76) The kanunname P. 53. 77) TK 128, p. I f. For the monuments compare: Diez, Aslanapa, Koman: KaramanDevri Sanats,pp. 5-30 and Ibrahim Haklk Konyah, Abidelerive Kitdbeleri ile KaramanTaribi, Ermenekve Mut Abideleri(tstanbul, 1967), p 675-732.

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the most significant fact remains undoubtedly the development of a network of standard markets 78).

Ports or iskeles present features of special interest. Since many of them have been enteredinto the tahrironly as items producing customs revenue, we do not know whethera permanentvillage was attachedto them or not. However, it is probably reasonable to assume that such

settlements, where they existed, were relatively small. The following iskeleswere in use: in the kaga of Selindi landing-placesexisted, but we are not informed of their names. Most likely the central place itself was among them. Anamurpossessedan iskeleand so did Gilindere, in addition,therewere installationsof some kind in Seki and Besparmak, localities somewherebetween Anamur and Akliman. Aside from the latter, Silifke could make use of a second port. It is difficultto imagine that Ovacik was not also provided with some kind of landing facilities, but the registers do not mention them. East of Silifke, there was a place called Giirgen iskelesi, probably located somewhere in the vicinity

of the village of Lamas. Intriguing is the case of Gilindere.Here caves, which may have been rock tombs, and which, as the register puts it, had stood empty since the "time of the infidels" were being used as storage for goods. For

the place was not only an iskelebut a market was also held nearby79). 78) Very little is known about the development of marketing arrangementsin the neighboring sancakof Alanya, which had many characteristicsin common with Iel: the same climate, the same contrast between a warm and imperfectly drained coastal plain and a mountainous interior, the same emphasis on cotton growing. Urbanization was weak and the impact of nomad groups relatively strong. At the end of the sixteenth century, the sancakstill contained no settlement with four hundredtaxpayers.The town of Alanya, in spite of its importanceas a royal residence during the Selcuk period, only reached this figure if the soldiers garrisoning its famous fortifications were included. Six places at least were listed as standard markets. We learn nothing about commercial exchange in or but mezraas yaylas, for marketing purposes. The site people congregated around a Selcuk kervansaray may have been that of SarabsaHan, which is located near the Kargi Cayl, for in TK 172, p. I a, the market is called "pazar-1Kargu". CompareSeton Lloyd and D. Storm Rice, Alanya ('Ala'iyya), OccasionalPublications of the British Institute of Archaeologyat Ankara (London, I95 8). 79) On Gilindere compare Piri Reis, Kitabs Bahriye, Tirk Tarihi Araftirma Kurumu No. 2 (Istanbul, p. 756/7 and Francis Beaufort, Karamania or a Yaynlarmndan I935),

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Owners of goods paid the sipahia fee for the use of the caves. It is unfortunate that the income in customs dues derived from this place is not known. Since the whole entry only appearsin the last register, it is possible that the caves were put to use fiscally after an increasein the number of users, that is after commercialactivity in the port and/or market had reached a certain level s0). It is equally regrettable that customs dues were generally given as lump sums concerning several iskeles,so that it is impossibleto say which one receivedthe most traffic. t9el appearsto have been an areapermanentlydeficientin grain, for the customs regulations of Kanuni Stileyman's and Murad III's period state explicitlythat it could be importedtaxfree81). So far, no document has been found which specifies other products traded through these iskeles,but such materialmay very well be located some day. Hamid By sixteenth century standards,the sancakof Hamid contained an extraordinarilylarge number of sizeable settlements in a limited area. At the same time, its nomad population was not inconsiderable82). In the second half of the sixteenth century, the most important places were Uluborlu and Isparta.Eg?ridirhad been an importantcenterin the days of the dynastyof Hamid. However at the beginning of the sixteenth centuryit had alreadyenteredupon its decline. Smallerthan Uluborluat the outset, after15 22/23 it did not manageto equalthe growth of the two largercenters.On the whole, urbanpopulationincreasedstronglyin the period after IJ22, and places like Gdnen, Kegiborlu, Bavlh(modern above the valley of the Aksu Say), Yassiviran, Sanhl,and Siit•iiler, Brief Descriptionof theSouthCoastof Asia Minor(London, 1817),P. zo20iwith reference to arched vaults. 80) TK I28, p. 435. 81) TT 272, p. 238, and TK z128,p. 491 ff. 82) For the historical background of this sancakcompare: Xavier de Planhol, De la plainepamphylienne aux lacspisidiens,nomadisme et viepaysanne,Bibliothdque ar-

et historique de l'InstitutfranFaisd'archiologie chiologique d'Istanbul,no. III (Paris, I9 8), and Hikmet T. Daihoglu, "Onuncu asirda (Hamidili)nde arazi hasilat p.

65-I3i, niifus ve asiretlerin vaziyetleriyle vergi sistemleri", Un, 7, 73-74 (1940), P. oo009o1014; 7, 80-81 (1940), p. o1089-o1092; 7, 82-83 (1941), p. 1121-11ii27; 7, 84-86 (i94i), 8, 87-90 (1941), p. 1197-1202. p. I154-1157;

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Barlafirst attainedor surpasseda populationof four hundredtaxpayers during this period. As apparentfrom the tables, market organization remainedpractically stable throughout the century under study. Almost all administrative units, whether kaga or nabiye,had one market. Marketless units were rare, and so were units with more than one commercial center. At the end of the sixteenth century, Hamid was unusual in that almost no new market had been founded even though there was a considerableincreasein the number of towns and townspeople. Also the number of reported markets toward the end of the period under study was smaller than in any other sancakexcept Karahisar-1 Sahib.Aside from the limited size of this sub-province, relative concentrationof the sedentarypopulation in large settlementsmay explain this pattern. Sahib Karahisar-t This sub-province, famed in the nineteenth century for its agriculturalproductivity, had a capital much larger than any of the other sancaksstudied except for Aydin. With I717 tax-paying inhabitants registered in I 28-29 and 2I06 in 1572-3 Karahisar even surpassed

Kiitahya, the provincial capital of Anadolu 83). Probably the main reason for its unusual size was the productivity of the hinterlandin terms of grain-opium, the second great crop of this area in later periods, was not at this time of major significance,even though it was being cultivated in many places. It is difficult to say whether longdistance commerce contributed much to the growth of the city. Taeschner'smap shows Karahisaras located on a route of second-rate importance. This seems to have branchedoff from the main diagonal road in In6nii and led by way of Giimiis to Kiitahya and Afyonkarahisar, rejoining the main route between Bolvadin and Aksehir84). Nor are the data concerning taxes levied in the town any more informative, since they lump together a variety of taxes of agricultural 83) TT I47, p. xI17ff., TK I54, p. xbff. at the end of vol. I. 84) Taeschner, Wegenetz,map

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and non-agriculturalprovenience. Only the tax levied on palamud(a kind of oak) indicates that the forests, which Cuinet admired in the late nineteenth century, were being exploited even in the sixteenth85). Aside from the central kaga, the sancakcontained the units of Sancikh, Suhud, Bolvadrn,Barginh,and Oynag. The first three had small towns for a center,which seem to have shown an even greatertendency to grow than the sancakcapital itself. Bolvadin more than doubled its size from 362 registered inhabitants in 1528-29 to 789 in 1572-73. Suhud expanded from 409 to 609 while Sandlkhlincreasedits size from

454 taxpayersto 853. Barlnhl along with the subordinatenahiyeof Oynashad no clearlydefinedcentralplace.Populationgrowthseems to have takenplace without necessitatinga majoroverhaulof the administrative system. Registered markets in this sancakwere relatively few in number. Perhapsthe size of the main city furnishesat least a partialexplanation:

decree possiblythe numberof marketswas keptlow by administrative to ensure a regular food supply in Afyonkarahisar.Aside from the central city, in 1 28-29 there were markets in Sa~dlkhl, Suhud, and

In the nahiyeof Uluslianlh,the markets of Kaya and KaraBolvadmin. caviranwere registered. But it is not clear to which settlements they belonged, or indeed whether the villages concernedwere even located in the nahiye.Within the kaga of Sandikh, there was a second market aside from the administrativecenter;probablyit was locatedin a metraa. When the sancakwas again describedin 1572-73, the market system apparently had not expanded very much. Only three new markets had been added and a fourth was in the process of being founded. But the necessary formalities apparently had not been completed, so that its

existence is only documented in the mihimmedefterleri,not in the tahrir itself s6). All the newly added pazars were standard markets; while Evliya ?elebi mentions the existence of a market in the imaret

statistique,discriptive 85) Vital Cuinet, La Turquied'Asie, Giographieadministrative, et raisonde de chaque provincede l'Asie Mineure4 vols, (Paris, 1891-94), vol. IV, p. 230zo. 86) Milhimmedefteri,vol. 26, p. 165.

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in of Sinan no referenceto such an event can be found Papa Sincanhl, in the tax registers87). Due to the small numbersinvolved, general observationsconcerning the marketsof this sancakare of very limited validity. But it seems that here as in Iel, standardmarketsexpandedin number after the markets located in administrativecenters had alreadyestablishedthemselves. Kiitahya This sancak,which reached all the way from Denizli into the area around Kiitahyaitself, for the most part was located on the Anatolian plateauss). Considering the size of the area, the small number of markets strikes the eye. In the oldest defter89), which does not cover the entire sancak,we find very few centers of exchange that were not in some way attached to an administrativecenter. Even in the latest series, compiled about 1570-71 90), there were no more than eleven village markets in the entire sub-province. No intermediate marketing centers have been found, and markets on summer-pastures and in other temporary settlements were apparentlyscarcely if ever recorded. A monopolization of commercialopportunities on the part of the centralplace was probably a less importantfactor than in Karahisar-1Sahib.First of all, Kiitahyawas smaller,moreover the sancakwas large enough to support at least one other major center. In I570-71,

this role was filled by the town of Lazkiye (modern Denizli) 91). But since no earliertax registers describe it, nothing can be said about the mannerin which this pattern developed. As a hypothesis, one feels tempted to assume that the differenteconomic and geographical characteristicsof the highlands on one hand and the coastal areason the other may have had some influenceon the 87) Semavl Eyice, "Sincanh'daSinan Pasa Imareti", Dergisi, X, p. 3 2. Vaktflar 88) For information on this area check: I. H. Uzungarslh, BiZansye Selfukiylerle Germiyanve OsmanOgullar:zamanmdaKiitahyaSehri(Istanbul, 1932). 89) TT 45, which the archivists of the Bagvekilet Argivi have assigned to the period of Bayezid II. 90) TK 47, TK 48 and TK 560. 9') Comparearticle "Denizli" in IA.

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patternof markets.But a largernumberof sancaksneeds to be investigatedbeforethis assumptioncanbe provenor disproved92). Aydmn Sincethe developmentof administrative divisionshas been treated extensivelyby HimmetAkin in his studyof the principalityof Aydin in pre-Ottomanand Ottomantimes,this questionneednot be treated here93). However, urbandevelopmentduring the sixteenthcentury shows certainfeaturesthat are worthyof closerattention.By far the biggest city was still Tire, with about I6oo taxpayersin 1528/9 and almost 2400 around I157594). Surprisingly enough, the next largest

settlement,at leastin Kanuni'sreign,was the port of Urla, ix 37 taxpayers being registeredthere95). Even if one assumes that the cemaats

of Hasan Fakih, Taylasanhl, and Elvan Fakih were recentlysettled nomadsand consequentlynot fully urban,the populationonly drops to 793 taxpayers.Moreover,the registerevidentlycountedthe cemaats as townsmen,for they were enumeratedbefore the local Christian community.No older registerssurviveto give us an explanationfor the growth of this town, but it is likely that the foundationof the Valide Sultan,encompassinga hanand 245 stores played a considerable

role in developingthe place96). The public scales(kantarand kapan) 92) By chance, surviving records of the foundation of Karagoz Pagain Kiitahya give us an idea of the number of shops which he or his administratorsconsidered profitable to erect in various minor towns of the sancak:96 in Kavak and 190 in Gediz, aside from 212 z in Go1hisar(Hamid), 190 in Arpaz (Aydin) and 240 in Balat (TT 369, P. 5). 93) Akin, Aydsnogullar:, pp. 84-xo3. 94) TT I48, p. 270 ff., compare also Akmin,Aydnmo~gullar:, p. 135. 95) TK ~7i, P. i b ff. 96) This should been Hafsa, mother to Kanuni Siileyman, for Evliya Celebi, in vol. 9 (Istanbul, 1935), P. Ioo/i mentions that taxes paid by the town Seyahatnamesi, had been assigned to the mosque built by her in Manisa. Since nothing is said about stores or a banfounded by the Valide Sultan (although Evliya ?elebi describes the attractivejarp:in some detail), they had possibly disappearedby the late seventeenth century. For a summary of the relevant vaksfnamesee Ibrahim G6kgen, Manisa TarihindeVakrflarye Haytrlar (Hicri 914-o60o). CHP ManisaHalkevi Yaytnlartndan No. XVIII (Istanbul, 1946), pp. 122-131. See also vol. II of the same work: H. iodo, Miladi s6yo'densonra,same series no. XIX (Istanbul, 195o), p. I47 and (agatay Ulugay, "Kanuni Siileyman ve Ailesi ite ilgili Bazi Notlar ve Vesikalar", Kanuant VIIseri, no. 5 (Ankara,1970), p. 230/3 Armagant,Tirk TarihKurumuYaynlarmndan x.

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were expected to bring in 12,500ooake a year, but sofar, no documen-

tation is availableon the type of goods tradedthere. Another important town was Nazilli 97), which developed from a

village of barely over 250 taxpayersat the end of the fifteenth century

into a town of almost 950 a century later. Some type of boat traffic, possibly for fishing purposes, seems to have taken place on the Meander at this period. For the tax register mentions a revenue item of Iooo akfe derived from the "Nazilli boat". In addition, the town was the meeting place for a kind of fair, which met on the two main holidays of the Muslim calendar and at other non-specified times. This gathering was outside the jurisdiction of the nmuhtesib, who probably was to concentrate his attention upon the activities of the regular business district. No details are given as to the character of this fair. However, since one of the registers mentions the fact that a considerable number of sheep and cattle were slaughtered at this occasion, one feels inclined to assume active participation of the part of nomads. Since the nearby of Yenisehir was known for its lively trade in cotton goods, kava

something of the type may have been going on in Nazilli as well 9"). Ayasolug, the medieval successor of Ephesus, was still a port of

some significance.However, this place seems to have startedto decline, since it was, as far as can be judged from the documentationavailable, the only town in the area which failed to grow during the second half of the sixteenth century. tzmir, on the other hand, was only a village in 1528/9, although, a good fifty years later, it had increased in size 99) from about 300 taxpayers to about 5oo. Marketing on a major scale was apparently not confined to the center oftowns. The tahrirs report an extraordinarily large "shopping center" vol. 9, 97) TT 8, p. 71o ff., TK 144, P. 212b f., Evliya Celebi (SeJahatnamesi, p. i86) compares the weekly market of Nazilli with the great fairs of Rumeli, and claims the existence of two thousand stores, of which five hundred were built in stone. The latter were in part open the week round. 98) TK 144, p. 288b. 99) On Ayasolug, see Akin, p. 98. For the establishment of a Aydmnogullart, consulate in Izmir under the auspices of the Levant Company in i6Io-20zo compare Alfred C., Wood, A Historyof theLevantCompany(London, 1964), p. 73. The port took over part of the trade with Iran which formerly had gone through Aleppo.

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near Alasehir, on a site named Yarhisar 100). Unfortunately, it has not been possible to find a description of this village, if in fact there was

one in existence and the place was not simply a market in the open countryside. As early as the late fifteenth century, income from this commercialcenter was assessed at more than 23,000 akye. This is all the more remarkableas the covered market of Tire, including the surrounding shops, brought in an income of 22,000 akje 101). In the 1528/9 defter,an income of only 13,000 akfe was recorded, but whether this reflected a real fall in business activity or a change in the technique of recording is difficult to say. But the most interesting piece of information has been recorded in a foundation register probably of the Kanuni period. The shops in this area had been purchased by the vefir Ali Pasa l02), who proceeded to tear them down and build in their place an entirely new business center consisting of 450 shops. Before, the land around the shops had been in the possession of a certain Faik Pasa, probably the same person after whom a mahalle in Izmir i oo) During the reign of Kanuni, we find a mahallenamed Yarhisarwithin the confines of Alaqehiritself; however the way the place is described does not suggest an ordinary town quarter, so that the identification of the site remains doubtful (TK 571, p. i46b f.). ioi) TK 8, p. 1i54, P. 563. o02) On Ali Pasa and his foundations compare:

Tayyib G6kbilgin, XV-X VI. AstrlardaEdirneve Pa,saLivast, Vakflar, Miilkler, No. p. 394Mukataalar, IstanbulUniversitesiEdebiyatFakiltesi Yqaynlarmndan oS8, 403; here, the number of shops is given as 438. Semavi Eyice, "Atik All Pasa camiinin Tiirk mimiri tarihindeyeri", TarihDergisi, 19 (1964),

pp. 99-114.

Tayyib Okiq, "Hadim (Atik) Al Pasa kimdir", Necati Lugal Tuirk VII seri, No. 5o (Ankara, 1968), p. Armagant, Tarih KurumuYaymlarmndan Semavi Eyice "Elgi Hanm",TarihDergisi, 24 (1970), p. 93-130. oI-5I16. Omer L. Barkan, Ekrem Hakki Ayverdi, IstanbulVakflar: TahrirDefteri, 953 Thrihli, Istanbul Fetih Cemiyeti Istanbul Enstitisi, No. 6i (Istanbul, 1970), (1546) p. 69. vol. 9, p. 54 mentions a ban named after Bayezid Evliya Celebi, Seyahatnamesi, Yildirm, which reputedly contained eight hundred shops. Once every four weeks, traders came from the villages (sic) and a great market was held. It is difficult to evaluate this piece of information: two commercialcenters of this size in one town would have been unlikely, but we do not know what prompted Evliya or his informants to assign the banto Bayezid I.

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was named103). Ali Pasa bought up this land as well. Apparently it was used as a market; for the register mentions the existence of sergi pulu, a tax collected from the goods bought and sold in this area. Ali made over most of the income from this center to his pious Papa foundationsin Istanbul. Rent from the shops and sergipulu were assigned to this purpose, while the central administrationretained the disposal of ihtisaband other dues. All these transactionsmust have taken place prior to 1546, when the income of Ali Pasa's foundations was recorded in a vakif register of Istanbul; only here the number of shops in Yarhisarwas given as 498. These figures denote a sizeable amount of commercialactivity even by modern standards.Thus it is unfortunatethat nowhere do we find an indicationas to the type of merchantswho rented shops or to the kinds of goods traded. Even though the registers do not say so, one feels temptedto view this place as some sort of fairgrounds. For Alasehirwas not an unusuallybig town, and maintaineda commercialdistrict of its own. Moreover, the countrysidedoes not appearto have been densely populated enough to support year-round activity on this scale, nor was the district located on one of the main trade routes of the time. How long this center was used commerciallyis not known; possibly an intensive search for documents related to the Atik Ali Pasa foundation might shed some light on the question. When comparingthe numberof marketsrecordedin the deftersunder study, it appears that some new places of exchange were established in the fifty-five years between 1 28-29 and As to the preceding I•583. period, it is difficult to say much, since the older defteris limited in its coverage. Also, it becomes apparentthat throughout the sixteenth century,practicallyall administrativeunits contained at least one center of exchange. In the fifteen-twenties,the of held the largest kaza tzmir numberof markets,followed by Cesme,Tire and Ayasolug. Subsequent changes in this picture may partlybe due to administrativereorganization, since the area around Sdke at some time before 1575-76 was Io3) Compare M. Miinir Aktepe, "lzmir Sehri OsmanhlMedreseleri Haklknda On Bilgi", TarihDergisi, z6 (I97z), p. 1o6-7.

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organized as a separatekaga. However, the tzmir area maintainedits lead, followed by Birgi and Tire. At the same time it should be noted in no way played a leading role; that the areaaroundAycdin-Giizelhisar both of which the only two marketswere located in Aydin and K6sk, remained little better than villages

104).

Mente'e When we first hear of the sancakof Mentese during the reign of Bayezid II, it was divided into the nahiyesof Mugla, (ine, Tavas, Pirnaz, Pegin, Milas, Kbycegiz, and Bozoytik. In the next register, dated i I7, we find in addition the nahiyesof Mazmn,Megri (modern Fethiye), Eserulus, and Balat 105). In Kanuni Stileyman's time, all the

former nahiyeswere called kaya, and Eskihisar was elevated to the same rank. Megri and Balat had been well-establishedtowns in the Middle Ages. ParticularlyBalat had been a most important center in antiquity 10),

which experienced a considerable revival under the

Mentese-ogullanr.Probably both places had been the seat of a kad;in pre-Ottoman times. Milas ceased to be an administrativecenter from 1562-3 on. It was joined to the nearby district of Pegin in spite of the

fact that its inhabitantsnumberedalmost three times as many as those residing in the latter place, which in Ottoman times never was more Io04) At some point between the late fifteen-twentiesand 1583, a new sancakwas formed out of sections of Aycdinand Mentege; the new administrative unit was known under the name of Aydmin-Sigla. To maintain comparability,this distinction has been ignored, and the constituent administrativeunits treated under Aydin and p. 86). Mentese respectively. (Akin, Aydnmoullar:, ioy) TT 47 and TT 6i. For general information concerning the area the following books have been of special use: Paul Wittek, MentefeBeyli/i, 3IJ-I Astrda Garbi 4, I (Ankara, 1944) Kiifik Asya Taribineait Tetkik, TiirkTaribKurumuYaynlarmndan, and Benedict, Ula. Of particularinterest is the map on p. 2 i6 of the latter work, showing the present-daydistribution of periodic markets. io6) On Balat compare: Karl Wulzinger, Paul Wittek, Friedrich Sarre, Das IslamischeMiler (Berlin, Leipzig, 1935); Wittek, Mentege,p. I28-I3'; Otto F. A. Meinardus,"Testimonies to the Economic Vitality of Balat, the Medieval Miletus", Bel/eten, XXXVII,

147 (I973),

p. 289-296. Megri has received a brief description

from the shipper's point of view in: Piri Reis Kitab:Bahriye,p.

790

f. 5

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MARKETS IN THE SANCAK OF MENTE?E TOWARD THE END OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

than a village in terms of population

107).

67

Eserulus and Bozdytik were

mainly nomad territory, with few ordinary villages located there 10s). According to Ottoman administrators of the sixteenth century, five places qualifiedas nefs-i,ehir:Pegin, (ine, Balat, Mugla, and Milas. Another seven places were identified as kasaba:Ula in the district of Tavas, Kdycegiz and Megri. Boz6ytik and Pirnaz, on Mugla, Mazmin, the latter of which there is no information, appear to have had the same rank 109). Unfortunately no document has so far come to light explaining the criteriaapplied when making this distinction. It cannot have been population alone, for ?ine was considerablysmaller than Tavas. Nor can it have been administrativerank, for we find both nefs-i,ehirand kasabaas kaya centers.It can not have been the existence of manned fortifications either, of which there were only two in the entire sancakno110).Nor can it have been the existence of a Friday mosque, for the sancak possessed forty-two. Possibly there existed no clearly established criterion, and the distinction was made on the basis of impressionistic reports by visiting administrative officials. Among the administrative centers, only Eskihisar appears to have been without a market, a situation which still persisted in the eighteenth century 111). On the other hand, the area around Megri was best supplied

with places for commercialexchange. Interestingis the relativelylarge number of intermediate markets. Towards the end of the sixteenth century, Milas, Ula, Yerkesik, Utziimlii,and Ugurtas had achieved this status. In addition a marketwas attached to a group of nomads, who were known as the teamet (or large-scale tax-grant)of Balyabolu11). in pre-Ottoman times, however, compare 107) On the importance of Peoin Wittek, MenteSqe, p. 126-128. io8) The tahrirsalways spell this word with an "elif" AJ .I9. For this reason, this reading has been preferred to "Sirevolos" which can be found, for instance, in Piri Reis, Index, p. 62. Bozoyiik can be located on the map which Wittek included in his study of Mentese. For the existence there of a hundredshops reputedlyfounded vol. 9, p. 206-207. by Kanuni Stileyman see Evliya Celebi Seyahatnamesi, Io9) Compare TT 166, pp. 481-564.

iio) TT x66, p. 573.

iii) Benedict, Ula, p. 178 f. and 209 f. Sz) It has not been possible to locate any information on Balyabolu of Mentege. On Balyambolu in Aydin, compare Akin, Aydmnogullart, p. 99-Io02.

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Moreover, Mugla and Balat were towns of respectable size, both numberingover 6oo taxpayinginhabitantsin 1583, and the kaga center of Pirnazcontainedover oo. When comparedwith neighboringsancaks, this means that Mentese was not as rural as might appear from the heavy nomadic element in its population. Other and quite different phenomenaalso point in the same direction. Out of the hundred-andtwenty odd medreseswhich were functioning in the vilayetofAnadolu towards the end of the sixteenth century, at least nine were located in Mentese: the Tas medrese and the medreseof Ilyas Beg in Balat, the schools named after Hoca Firuz Pasa and Savci in Milas, the Ilyas Beg and Ahmed Gazi medresesin the school of Haci Musliheddin Pekin, in Mugla, a medrese founded by a certainMusliheddinb. Stileymanin a village near Bozoytik and another one in the settlement of D6ger not far from Megri 113).

By chance, the vakif registers of Mentese 114) have preservedfigures concerning the number of shops in the sancakwhich even more than the datajust quoted point to an intensive commercialactivity.According to a defterpertaining to the period of Kanuni Stileyman, a certain Sinan Beg, sancak beg of Mentese 115), repaired a number of shops in various commercial centers of the area and then donated them to the mosque in Bolvadmin which he had founded: 6o rooms (bab) in Megri, 90 in Djger, 69 in Ugurtas, 157 in Seki, 211 in Mugla, 60 in Mazm, 29 in Carsamba near Mazm, and 20 in Persembe near Mazin. From

these the foundation collected a total yearly rent of I5,ooo000 akye,that and TK 569, p. Ib, p. I4a, p. i8a, p. 24a, P. 35b, 113) CompareTK p. I56, 75b p. 5yb, and p. 85 pertaining to the year 991/1583. 114) TT 338, p. 134, see also TK 569, p. 35b. u 1) At the end of his article "Sincanhl'daSinan Pasa Imareti", VakiflarDergisi, X, p. 303-336, Semavi Eyice has given a list of the various Sinan Pasa's that appear in records of the sixteenth century, along with the pious foundations attributed to them. No mosque in Bolvadin can be found in this list. Besides, on p. 337-343 of the same periodical Ramazan Sesen has published a slightly abbreviatedtranslation of the vakfiyeestablishing the Sincanh imaret.Among the properties mentioned none are located in Mentese. Under these circumstances,it is impossible to identify more closely the owner of the shops mentioned here. I. H. Uzungarglh,Afyon Karahisar, Sandiki, Bolvadin... Atabey ye Egirdir'dekiKitabeler... (Istanbul, I929) does not contain any referencesto a Sinan Beg mosque in Bolvadin either.

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SIXTEENTH

CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN

SANCAKS

69

is an average of zz22akyeper shop. In actual fact, average rents varied widely from place to place. The lowest, 9.5 akje, was charged for the 157 shops in Seki, while the 60 rooms in Mazmwent for 5o akjeapiece, and those in Cargamba for 38. In the year 1583 we hear of z220shops

in a village in the kaZaof Bozdyiik, some of which were used as storehouses for salt. They produced a total income of 8,oo000akje 116). To the

same foundation, namely the mosque, medrese,and elementaryschool of Haci Musliheddinin Mugla also belonged one hundredshops in the town of Ula, which were rented out for 3,000 akye. A certain Sinan

Beg, possibly identical with the one previously mentioned, had made over the following items to an elementaryschool in the settlement of Leyne: 24 shops producing 360 akfe in rent, and a group of stores

ake a nearBoz6ytik,from which the foundationwas to draw ,000ooo year. All thingsconsidered,the figuresgivenpointto ratherhighnumbers of storesif one considersthe populationof the settlementsin question. Even if one assumes that a sizeable number of villagers and nomads

cameto these centersfor their shoppingand that manyof the rooms mentionedwere workshopsused by craftsmenratherthan ordinary stores,the numbersquotedherearenot reallysatisfactorily explained. personnel,who mayhave Largenumbersof soldiersandadministrative in a town like Silifke,probablywerenot stimulatedcommercialization stationedin this area either. The salt pans certainlyemployedconsiderablenumbers of workers. But these were probablypeasants workingpart-time,andit is unlikelythattheycontrolleda greatdealof purchasingpower.Of moresignificance,at leastin certainplaces,was probablythe sale of salt itself, which partlywas effectedclose to its source.It is also possiblethat certainshops were used in the manner that Benedictdescribesfor modernUla117). Today many storesare open on certaindays only, particularlywhen marketis held, while x16) Liitfi Giier, "XV-XVII. AslrlardaOsmanl ImparatorlugundaTuz Inhisanr

ve Tuzlalarin 1tletme Nizami", 1.U. Iktisat Fakiltesi Mecmuas:, 23, I-2 (1962-1963), p. 97-143, see particularly pp. o103 and 118-129. See also TK 569, p. 55b. 117) Benedict Ula, p. 230-35, and 247-48.

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70

SURAIYA FAROQHI

during the remainderof the week their owners move from market to market.Apparentlythis tendency toward mobility is a recent phenomenon, caused by the competition from merchantsin Mugla and tzmir. But maybe, in the sixteenth century, lack of purchasingpower on the part of the peasantryled to similarresults, though of course the primitive conditions of transportationlimited the circuits in which an individual tradercould move. Last not least, there is of course no guarantee that all these shops were indeed used for commercialpurposes; some may have been employed as habitations, and others may have been vacant for considerable periods of time. In spite of these alternatives, the existence of over a thousand rooms described as dekdkinpoints to a commercial life in countryside and small towns, which may well have been more significant than our notions of sixteenthcenturysouthwesternAnatolia have allowed for sofar. Conclusion From the observationsdescribedand discussedabove, the following conclusions can be drawn: In four sancaks,namely Mentese, Iel, Aydm and probably Ktitahya the number of markets expanded significantly between about 1520 and i 80. In one, namely Hamid, the

situation remainedmore or less stable. In the case of Karahisar,there was also a considerableexpansion if expressed in percentages,but the number of markets was and remainedlow. It is tempting to explain this situation by the fact that particularlyI9el was an out of the way area with a low population density, which was effectively organized by the Treasuryonly at a relatively late date. However, the fact that Kiitahya and Karahisarseem to have experieniceda similar development ratherlimits the usefulness of such an explanation.Even if one remainsaware of the fact that marketswere founded and closed down for financialratherthan for economic reasons, no revenue could have been raised from markets which the economic life of the area could not support.Financialarrangementscould channel,or at worst throttle, marketingactivities, but they could not of themselves generaterevenue from market dues. Thus, it is possible to assume that an increasing

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

71

commercializationmade a larger number of markets profitable. It is extremely unfortunatethat the mannerof recording marketdues does not allow us to substantiatethis hypothesis any further. Where the number of markets expanded, village markets generally appeared later than those located in administrative centers. This corresponds to developments observed by Skinner and Rozman in

ChinaandJapan,and appearslogicalif in fact marketswereprimarily placeswherepaymentsin kindto the Treasuryor to individualofficeholderscouldbe exchangedinto readymoney.Undertheseconditions, one would expectat leastone marketin everyadministrative division, an expectationwhich is in fact largelyfulfilledby the materialcollected. Intermediatemarkets were extremely rare, because settlements of any size were usually given administrativefunctions. Or else certainplaces had the opportunity for growth because of their position in the ad-

ministrativehierarchy. Whilethe relationshipbetweenurbanand ruralpopulationgrowth, and the expansionof the marketsystemcould not be tackledin this study for lack of accessibledata, certainvery rough statementscan well be made.Firstof all, the sixteenthcentury,down to about 1390 afterwhich documentation becomesscanty,was probablya periodof appreciable populationgrowthin westernand centralAnatolia.Urban growthis easierto establish,and as far as the six sancaksstudiedhere are concerned, there seems to be little reason to doubt it. Now urban

growth should have caused an intensifiedactivity in the existing of newones.Buta risein ruralpopulation, markets,not theproliferation even withoutan increasein commercialactivityper head,shouldhave led to the establishmentof marketsin placeswhich could not have supportedthem before.

An importantquestion,which howevercan not be answeredin a manneron the basisof the materialknownso far,is related satisfactory to the role of periodicfairson one handandpermanentshopson the other.The formerdo not seemto have been very common;but possiblya lot of businesswas doneat the gatheringsthatdid exist.On the other hand, pious foundationscaused shops to be erectedeven in

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72

SURAIYA FAROQHI

connection with rathersmall marketsand settlements,and in numbers which make it appeardoubtful that these stores were all open the year round. However, as a rule their occupants must have at least been in a position to pay rent, even though it is impossible to determine how many of these buildings were used for storage or even for non-commercial purposes. Rozman has assumed that in Japan during the Tokugawa period, the periodic market system was gradually superseded by buying and selling in fixed shops. But since the evidence concerning the six sancaks which form the subject of this study pertains to a time when the periodic market system was still in the process of expansion,

a similar conclusion does not seem to be called for in this case. 118s 1x8) My thanks go to Mr Rauf Onay, Middle East Technical University, Ankara, for drawing clean copies of the maps.

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

73

Table I

in DifferentSite Categories MarketingSettlements

Mezraa,

StandardIntermed.Low level market, market, admin.- Sancak

o-9 tax 1o-399 4oo-zlyoo center payers taxpayers taxpayers any site

Sancak/Date

capital, Status any site unknown Total

Iel period of Selim I 1551 1584

4

I

6

o10

9

16

-

I 2

4 4 4

I

3

13

I I

o10 1Ii

32

43

Hamid 15oo00-01 1522-3

-

4

-

10

I

7

22

-

7

-

II

I

3

22

12

I

3

23

3

I

3

7

I

2

IO

3 I I

6 8

14 29

probably 2nd half of I6th century

-

2

Kara hisar-1Sahib 1528-9

-

1572-3

Kiitahya period of Bayezid II 1512-3

-

I

3

-

I

6 II

-

7

-

-

1570-71

3

io 16 I6

-

37

Aydin 1478-1481 1528-29

1575-76

I

2

15

16

Mentese period of 6

Bayezid II

I

II17

2

12

1562-63 1583

3

13

3

12

8 I

-

I I

I

3 14

19 42

16

48

4

3

io

2

IO

I

II

2

0I

I I

8

I5 38 37

12

44

-

3

6

10

I

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74

SURAIYA FAROQHI

Table 2 Marketsper administrative unit: fel TT 83 reignof Name of Unit

Selim I

TT

272/z5jz

TK

128/1/84

I

2

kaza first nahiye, then kaga of Selindi

i

i3

first nahiye, later kara of Anamur

I

4

9

4

7

9

2

6

5

3

5

4

9

9

13

32

43

of Ermenak

of Giilnar kaza first nahiye,then kaga of Silifke kaga of KarataS kaza kaza Total

of Mud of Sinanhli1)

2

-

i) In TT 272 registered as part of Mud.

YaylapaZarlar:have always been counted as separate entities, even if their attachment to a permanent settlement is known. The registers do not always make a clear distinction between kagaand nahiye.

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

75

Table ; unit: Hamid Marketsper administrative

Name of administrative unit TT 3 o: iyoo-or kaza

TT 121: 1y22-3

TK date 5: unknown;TK &&66: probably2ndhalf of the p6thcent.')

of Karaaga9-1

G61hisar nahiye of Yavie kaga of G6lhisar nahiye of Siroz-Kemer kara of Irla kaza of Burdur kara of Uluborlu

-I 5 I

kaga of Gdnen

i -

2

-I I i

i i i 2

2

1I I

I 2

I 2

I

2

2

2

I 2

2

, I

, i

2

I

i

nahiye,later kaga of Kegiborlu

kaza of Egridir nahbye,later kaza of Aglasun

nahlye, later kaZaof Agras

-

nahlyeof Y1va

nabiye of Anamos nahiye of Kartas nahiye of Ayvah and Gbnen of nahiyelater

kaza

I

I

I 2

I

i

I

Karaaga~g- YalvaS of Barla kaza Total

I

I

Afsar of

kaga YalvaS nahiye,later kaza of

I

-

2)

kaga of Isparta

I i

1

i subordinate to

I i I

Afsar 22

22

23

i) A marginal note bears the date 980/1572-73 (p. 276a), and on p. 266a mention is made

of Kanuni, but without stating whether he was still alive or not. Since TT 121was prepared only a few years after Kanuni's accession, TK 51 is likely to be more recent. Under these circumstances, one can say that the register was probably compiled in the later years of Kanuni or in the early years of Selim II. TK bears no date on the front page, but on p. Io3a mention is made of a document 566 dated 978/157o-71. Since the text is a regular part of the defterand not a marginal note, the register must have been compiled after this date. 2) In TT 30, Kegiborlu is simply a neft in the kagaof Gbnen.

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76

SURAIYA FAROQHI

Table 4 Marketsper administrative unit: Karahisar-tSahib Numberof marketsin Name of unit

TT 147:

kara of Karahisar hisar nahiyeof Ulussganh nahiyeof •.t kaZaof Bolvadin kaga of Barlnh nahiyeof Oynas of kaza of Suhud kaga Sandikhl

of , nabhiye

Unknown

Total

z528-9

TK

1572-3

i54:

I

i

I

i

-

I

-

i

2

I 3

2

I 2

7

Io

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

77

Table

5 unit: Kiitahya Marketsper administrative TT 4 : periodof BaJyeidII

Name of unit

TT 49 : I12-13

TT 369 : Kanuni period

-

nahiyeof Kiitahya

I

-

nahiye of Arslanapa nahiyeof Altuntays

-

nahiyeof Yalak

i (?) 2

-

-

nahiyeof Sazanos

I

I-

nahiyeof Kahlnviranm

nahiyeof Tavsanlh nahiyeof Egrigdz nahiyeof Simav

-

I 2

I I

2

2

3

I

I

I

I

2 2

I

-

I

nahiye,of Honaz

-

I

Total

2

-I

-

nahiye, of Homa ve Geyikler nahiye, of Seyhlii ve Cal nahiye, of Usak ve Banaz

2

I

nahiye,of JL

nahiye, of Kas-1 Yenice

I 4

2

2

-

nahiye, of Lazkiye

-

-

nahiyeof Giire nahlye of Kula

nahiyeof Selendi later kaga of nabhiye, G6kdytik

x I

-

of (2nk(~nnabhiye -ki-) nahiyeof Gediz nahiyeof Kavak

Unknown

TK 47, TK 48, TK ;60 : z570-7

4

-

2

2

2

2

5

i

2

2

2

5 14

29

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37

SURAIYA FAROQHI

78

Table & Marketsper administrative unit: Aydmn

Name of unit kaza of tzmir of ?egme kaza of Ayasolug kaza of Tire kaza of Birgi kaza of Giizelhisar kaza of Sultanhisari kaza kaga of Kestel of Bozdogan kaza of Arpaz kaza of kaza of Yenisehir kaza of Alasehir Sart kaga kaga of Akgesehir Total

TT 8: 1478-8

TK 148: 1z28-29

TK i67, TKi 29 : aroundr17J-6 1) TKx44, TK 57i: Kanuniperiod

at least I; data lacking 2 3 2

8

9

6 5 5 3

3 5 7 8

?

2

2

I I

3

3 i 2 did not exist

4 3 did not exist

I9

42

-

i I

2 3 4 I

48

I) Only TK 167 is dated on the front page (1575-76). However, it is likely that the other two defterswere composed approximately during the same period, especially since TT 129 shows a marginal note dated 984/1i 576-77 (P. io8 b).

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SIXTEENTH CENTURY MARKETS IN ANATOLIAN SANCAKS

79

Table 7 Marketsper administrative unit: Mentefe

Name of unit

kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza kaza Total

of ) of Peoin Eskihisar of Mugla of Tavas of Megri of Pirnaz of Koycegiz of Mazin of Boz6yiik of Eserulus of Balat of 'ine unknown )

TT 47: reignof II Bayezid

TT 337, TT j38: TT 6i :

-

3 2 2 -

4 3 6 I 2 5

3

2 3 3

15

38

-

5 -

4

4 4 6 I 2 3 5 I 2

2

-

TK iio, TK iy6: zy83

4 -

3

-

1562-63

6

2 -

117

-

5

37

5

6 3 4

5 5 I 2

4 44

i) AlthoughMilasis a separateunit in TT 47 and TT 61, it is countedas partof Pegin in the laterdefters.For the sakeof convenience,it has beentreatedas partof Pe;in throughout the table. unit in which it was 2) Wherea village could not be identified,but the administrative locatedis known, it has not been includedin this category.

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SURAIYA FAROQHI

80

Table 8 Data from the icmal defterleri. TT i66: p937/113o-31, TT 387 and 483: undated,Kanuniperiod

nefs-i ehir kasaba Fortresses Friday mosques Shops Markets Villages merraas Tribal units ark-t feltik Sedentary families Moslem kara, caba

TT i66: Mentefe

TT 438: Hamid

5

2

7 2

42 1,215

not given 548 36 381

13 34,642 11,120

TT 438: Karahisar

TT 387: Ifel

2

4 4 8 14

I

4

Io not given

I

not given 417 1) not given 7 16 629 513 88 261 75 13 not given not given 16,645 11,573 29

not given

TT I66: Alanya

1,I15

2 26

not given not given 171 3 39 not given 12,974

TT i66: Aydmn

TT 438: Kitahya

22 5 44 2,945 7) 26

31 x10)

not given 615

332 3) 208

IO

2

not not not not

800 129

1,071 274

240

624

not given

49 4)

40,949

24,907

given given given given

II

4)

40,182

232

as extra fig.

Moslem miicerred Moslem yiiriiksn

2,528 included in

Non-Moslem families Non-Moslem unmarried People exempt from avartz Non military males gaimnsand sipahis Resident soldiers

preceding fig. 64 4 1,35

5,865 4,978

300

not given as extra fig. 2,355

509

1,266

1,202

included in

not given as extra figures

88

preceding fig. not given

not given

not given

z2,080

503

I1,095 6)

14,901

36,093 479 6) 679

91

not given

)

,442 10,442

11359 II,359

included in

included in

preceding fig. 98

preceding fig. 377

I5

34

9,692 8)

at most 2,094

49,709 9)

493 54

30,143 1,232 10

16,631 2,884 2) 25

105

98

61,I96 1,375 8,475

54,856 2,I28 2)

at least

IOI

Total males Tax revenue

50,256 g) 5,858,796

31,385 2,647,507

19,540 1,840,o69

15,104 1,260,890

37,251I 2,641,128

71,o46 11,416,601

57,o8511) 4,589,175

Minor discrepancies due to mistakes on the part of the scribe have been corrected. i) Including hanand kervansaray. and retired sipahi. 2) Including sipahiZade 3) Including sntr. 4) Called enhar. 5) Includes miicerred,sipahiZadeand 622 feltikfi. 6) Includes one mirlivaand kad:. 5 7) Including storehouses and dwelling places; but probably only buildings belonging to pious foundations have been courted. 8) Including miicerred. 9) The individual categories summarized under this heading do not add up to the total in question, therefore it is not quite clear whether military personnel should be added to the total of 49,709 or not.

Io) Including oil presses; probably again only vakf properties. II) The register has 57,Io5.

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