REPORT ON GENDER AND WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN THE 2016 ELECTIONS IN UGANDA

November 2015-January 2016 0

Table of contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………….2 Methodology………………………………………………………………………3 Legal Framework for Election Campaigns in Uganda……………………………4 Summary of Findings and Recommendations…………………………………….5 Freedom to Campaign and to participate in Campaign Process..…………….……………………………………………………………..8 As Voters…………………………………………………………………9 As Candidates…………………………………………………………….10 As Party/Campaign Agents………………………………………………13 The number of women standing as candidates and existence of special provisions for female candidates………………………………………14 Politics of the Open Seats…………………………………………………19 Women seeking for male approval even for affirmative action seats for women………………………………………………………………....19 Access to media for men and women candidates and extend to which the views of women are sought on the election…………………………………..19 Measures political parties and electoral commission have taken to ensure the equal participation of women and men in the campaigns as candidates and voters……………………………………………………………………………..20 The issues the candidates are promoting during the campaigns and the extent to which they address specific issues affecting women as highlighted in the national women’s manifesto 2016-2021………………………………………..22 Violence and security during the campaigns and how it’s affecting men and women’s participation……………………………………………………….23 Access to the complaints system, type of cases being filed by men and women and responsiveness of the complaints system to the complaints………..24 Recommendations………………………………………………………………..25 Annex Gender monitoring tool………………………………………………………….26 References 1

INTRODUCTION The Women’s Democracy Group (WDG) comprises of five national women’s organizations including: Action for Development (ACFODE), Center for Women in Governance (CEWIGO), Forum for Women in Democracy (FOWODE), Uganda Women’s Network (UWONET) and Women’s Democracy Network-Uganda Chapter (WDN-U). Four of the five organizations including: ACFODE, FOWODE, UWONET and WDN-U are observing gender and women’s participation in the 2016 elections. The four organizations are part of the Citizens Election Observers Network-Uganda (CEON-U). The organizations contributed 25 long term observers to CEON-U who are responsible for providing general information on the elections in addition to observing gender and women’s participation. The 25 LTOs who also double as gender analysts have worked with the four organizations observing elections from a gender and women’s perspective for over three years on other issues of gender equality and women’s rights. The 25 LTOs are deployed in 25 districts of Arua, Yumbe, Koboko, Nebbi, Jinja, Katakwi, Nakapiripit, Kamuli, Oyam, Kotido, Kaabong, Kumi, Bugiri,Kisoro, Rukungiri, Sembabule, Kalangala, Kibuku, Luweero, Kabale, Wakiso, Busia, Nakapiripirit and Lyantonde. This assessment is based on international, regional and national standards for holding elections. While not always specifically referred to in universal or regional instruments, many of the practices highlighted below can be considered essential to a genuine and democratic electoral process. The following are key examples of best practice for democratic elections1:       

There is transparency in the electoral process; The election administration acts in an effective, impartial, independent and accountable manner; There is equal access for candidates and political parties to state resources; There is equal access for candidates and political parties to, and balanced coverage by, any state or publicly funded media; The electorate is informed of its rights through civic and voter education programmes; There is a peaceful atmosphere – free from violence, intimidation or reprisals– for candidates and parties to campaign and for the electorate to vote; and Actors can use the rule of law to settle election disputes and the decisions of the courts are respected

The report acknowledges the fact that an election cannot be in compliance with international standards unless women, as well as men, enjoy full political rights. In assessing the participation of women in the campaigns, WDG takes into account the legal, social and cultural circumstances of Uganda.

1

Handbook for EU election observation; second edition (2008)

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The second WDG report on gender and women’s participation presents an assessment of: 

    

  

The legal framework for the campaigns and the extent to which the freedoms of women and men(as candidates, party agents and voters) to move, associate and assemble, freedom to impart and receive information freely are upheld by the state through its institutions responsible for managing elections and enforcing the laws related to the campaigns; Access to resources for men and women candidates to enable them to campaign; The number of women standing as candidates and existence of special provisions for female candidates; Access to media for men and women candidates and extend to which the views of women are sought on the election2 Measures political parties and Electoral Commission have taken to ensure the equal participation of women and men in the campaigns as candidates and voters; The issues the candidates are promoting during the campaigns and the extent to which they address specific issues affecting women as highlighted in the national women’s manifesto 2016-2021; Whether women and men are attending the campaign rallies in equal numbers and the factors which may be affecting their participation; Violence and security during the campaigns and how it’s affecting men and women’s participation; and Access to the complaints system, type of cases being filed by men and women and responsiveness of the complaints system to the complaints.

METHODOLOGY WDG developed a gender monitoring tool which it disseminated to the 25 gender analysts in 25 districts of Uganda to use to collect data on various stages of the election process. A copy of the tool is attached to the report. The data collected is analyzed using codes for common words that appear in the responses and then presented in form of charts. Some of the information is presented in a qualitative form basing on anecdotal evidence gathered by the gender analysts through interviews with various stakeholders in the election.

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WDG collaborated with the Africa Center for Media Excellence during the period of developing tools to observe media reporting and coverage of male and female candidates. WDG also provided training for journalists on gender and media during the training by ACME for media houses in six regions of Uganda in preparation for the 2016 elections. WDG provided training for the media on gender sensitive reporting and coverage in West Nile, Northern, Western, South Western and Eastern region and Central region. The training took place between August and October 2015 in the districts of Arua, Gulu, Mbarara, Masaka, Kabarole, Soroti and Kampala for journalists from the respective regions. WDG will rely on the findings of ACME to document the section on access to media for men and women candidates.

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Like other elements of an Election Observation Mission, gender monitoring is intended to collect information, assess the extent to which law and practice meet international, regional and national commitments and standards, and then make constructive recommendations for Uganda as it strives to achieve an inclusive democracy. Gender analysts conduct meetings, visit police stations to gather data on the election related complaints filed by men and women; attend campaign rallies and meet with and interview candidates, political party leaders in the respective districts, Electoral Commission, media and voters to gain insights regarding the rights of women, gender issues affecting the equal participation of men and women and any barriers to their equal participation in public life, and reforms that might help overcome discrimination where it exists. WDG is currently conducting a study on Women in Electoral Processes: Mapping Positive trends and Persistent Deficits in Uganda’s 2016 Elections. The study is currently being conducted in six districts spread out in six regions of Uganda including: Yumbe, Masaka, Kanungu, Gulu, Kampala and Mbale. A number of methods have been used to collect data for the study including: literature review, and legal

and policy documents on electoral processes and women’s political participation in Uganda and beyond. In order to collect data both qualitative methods of inquiry such as carrying out Focus Group Discussions (2 FGDs in each district) in each of the selected districts, in-depth interviews with key actors in electoral processes including political party leaders, election officials, government officials and Civil Society actors are being deployed. Personal interviews will also be held with selected women from political parties and their stories and experiences captured. These will be purposively selected to share their experiences about their political engagement, benefits, challenges and what can be done better to strengthen women’s equal participation. The final study report will be released in March 2016. 1. LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN UGANDA The freedoms of movement, expression, assembly and association without discrimination are critical for all candidates and voters to effectively participate in campaigns and are pre-requisites for democratic elections3. Open and fairly contested campaigns are characterized by: opportunity for all candidates, political parties and their supporters regardless of whether they are in favour of incumbents or opposition to promote their policies, hold meetings and travel around the areas relevant to their election; the electorate should be informed on their range of choice of parties and candidates. There should be equal opportunities for holding public rallies, producing and using electoral materials, and conducting other campaign activities, so that candidates, political parties and their supporters are able to present freely their views and qualifications for office. Violence or the threat of violence, intimidation or harassment, or incitement of such acts through hate speech and aggressive political rhetoric are incompatible with democratic elections4. In Uganda, campaigns are guided by the Presidential Elections Act Section 21,22,23,24,25; Parliamentary Elections Act Section 20, 21, 22, 23, 24 and the Local Council Act Sections 122, 123, 124, 125, 126 which includes restraining candidates and their supporters from using bad language that may cause the other party to be ridiculed, non-interference in campaign rallies; 3 4

Ibid 1 Ibid 2

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prohibition of use of public resources to campaign, rights of candidates to free expression and access to information in the exercise of the right to campaign, reasonable access to and use of state media, right to use private media for his/her campaign, equal treatment of candidates by public institutions, authority and public officers. The laws and guidelines on campaigns provide for offences which candidates and supporters can be charged with during the campaigns. For instance, campaigning beyond 18.00hrs is prohibited; use of language that incites public disorder, violence, or which threatens war, use of defamatory or insulting language which constitutes incitement to hatred is prohibited.

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 1. The legal framework on the campaigns does not discriminate against women and men during the elections. However, due to the social, economic5 and cultural construction of Ugandan society women are facing some peculiar challenges. These include: less access to resources than their male counterparts; gender roles which at times prevent them participating in politics; religious and cultural obstacles to their participation; domestic violence among others. 2. There is an increment in the numbers of women attending campaign rallies in comparison to previous elections. This is partly attributed to the sensitization about the importance of their participation in politics by various women organizations. 3. There is an improvement in society attitude towards women’s participation in politics as candidates6. However, some negative attitudes still persist. For instance, the marital status of women candidates7 and questions relating to why they are not moving with their husbands (for those who are married) on their campaign trail are being asked while their male counterparts are not tasked to respond to these questions. In addition, some women are standing in areas where they are married but not born. This has become an issue of contention for some voters who think women should stand where they are born. In addition, some voters still believe women should not stand on the open seats. These challenges women candidates are facing having a greater impact on their access to leadership than their male counterparts.

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According to the Uganda National Population Study report (2011/12) 16 percent of men are in paid employment in comparison to 7.7 percent of women. Of these 10.6 percent females in comparison to 9.1 males earn less than 50,000 Uganda Shilling. 9.3 percent males in comparison to 2.5 percent females earn more than 500,000 Uganda shillings. More females 81.3 percent derive their livelihood from the agricultural sector in comparison to 70.2 percent males.21.8 percent males in comparison to 17.4 females have access to credit. According to the draft national development plan 2015, only 27 percent of women own land which is a major factor of production and can be sold to get money for use for various purposes. 6 Ibid 9 7 Women candidates in Yumbe district have reported the issue of their marital status as one of the issues they have to respond to. This can affect their chances of winning an election.

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4. The phenomenon of powerful male politicians- (muzeeyi, powerful businessmen) endorsing who should stand as a woman MP is fast becoming the norm thereby accentuating patronage and male privilege – all these have long term impact on how and/or what an individual woman leader will deliver. 5. Limited resources are affecting the campaign programs of both men women. However, women have facing a bigger challenge due to the gaps in access to resources between men and women in Uganda. For instance, at presidential level, Ms. Maureen Kyalya postponed her campaigns due to lack of funds three weeks into the campaigns for presidential candidates which began on November 9, 2015. It’s important to note that the Presidential Elections Act was amended raising the nomination fees from 8 million to 20 million for presidential candidates. In addition the law removed the provision for a vehicle for each presidential candidate and a modest contribution of 20 million Uganda shillings to the presidential candidates’ campaigns. 6. The limitation in resources has made candidates become creative. Some candidates are organizing joint rallies. This has reduced costs and enabled more candidates within a party to campaign. The cost of holding campaign rallies has seen some candidates stop holding rallies and resort to door to door campaigns. 7. While the opposition is decrying the use of money, the general atmosphere is that – no money no vote. The commercialization has made it even harder for women. 8. Sexual pacification of women is the silent cancer in our election. The reports are that this problem is at the peak during primaries. 9. There is an increment in the numbers of women who have been nominated to contest on the open seats for Parliament from 23 vs 609 men in 2011 to 83 vs 1223 men in 2016. 10. Females according to the ACME November 2015 report continue to be a less source of information in newspapers on elections than their male counterparts at 17.8 percent. Elections can provide the best possible opportunity to ensure women’s voices are heard, their concerns are addressed, and their potential contributions to peace and democracy are maximized. Without this happening no country can attain its goals of peace, democracy and development. 11. In terms of special considerations for women within political parties: Some political parties like Forum for Democratic Change have provided nomination fees to women candidates standing for MP who are not incumbents. FDC did not charge any nomination fees for all its candidates standing for elective office at various levels. 12. In terms of issues, women’s health and education have been integrated in some of the messages of the presidential and parliamentary candidates at 33 percent and 37 percent respectively. However, the critical issue of land and property rights for women from which majority of women derive their livelihood in Uganda has not been heard in the messages of the candidates. 13. Both men and women in accordance with the laws of Uganda can file complaints at any police station during an election. However, the number of males filing complaints with 6

Police is more than females. The commonly reported cases include: assault, threatening violence, tearing posters, preventing women from attending rallies of opponents among others. The number of cases reported to Police is minimal for various including limited trust that the cases will be handled fast and justice done. RECOMMENDATIONS 1. The education of citizens on the importance of women’s equal participation with men and its implications for Uganda’s progress must be strengthened by Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, Uganda Human Rights Commission, Electoral Commission, Media and various civil society organizations that work towards reducing the gender gap for women’s participation in politics and public life. This calls for increased resources by government and donors to all stakeholders especially women and men headed organization focused on gender and women’s rights. 2. The media should strive to increase female voices as a source of information. Elections can provide the best possible opportunity to ensure women’s voices are heard, their concerns are addressed, and their potential contributions to peace and democracy are maximized. Without this happening no country can attain its goals of peace, democracy and development. 3. Candidates and all political parties must commit to having violence free elections through language and their actions. 4. The Electoral Commission and Uganda Police Force should continue to build public confidence in the institutions to increase public access to information and usage for filing complaints and resolution through established structures. In addition, cases reported to the Police and Electoral Commission on electoral related matters should be fast tracked. 5. Civil society organizations and the media should continue to interrogate candidates campaign messages and educate citizens on the feasibility of their promises to enhance accountability prior to and after the elections. 6. All stakeholders especially political parties should address the issues that affect women’s participation in internal party politics. The police and other stakeholders should provide a conducive environment for women’s participation in politics particularly those who support opposition. 7. The Electoral Commission should use all possible means to provide voter information for example on the time for polling (opening and closing of polling stations) as per the Electoral Commission Amendment Act 2015. 8. Intensify clarity on the requirements for voting e.g. the identification card, the voter’s registry etc. 9. Educate the masses and clarify on the biometric system

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FINDINGS 1. FREEDOM TO CAMPAIGN AND TO PARTICIPATE IN THE CAMPAIGN PROCESS The legal framework on the campaigns does not discriminate against women and men during the elections. However, due to the social, economic8 and cultural construction of Ugandan society women are facing some peculiar challenges.

Women of Kucwiny Trading centre in Nebbi district escorting the aspiring MP-Padyere under NRM Party

Raima Karim, incumbent District Local councilor, women, Oli division, Arua Municipal Council campaigning in Azia cell, Pangisa ward, Arua municipality in the Arua district 8

According to the Uganda National Population Study report (2011/12) 16 percent of men are in paid employment in comparison to 7.7 percent of women. Of these 10.6 percent females in comparison to 9.1 males earn less than 50,000 Uganda Shilling. 9.3 percent males in comparison to 2.5 percent females earn more than 500,000 Uganda shillings. More females 81.3 percent derive their livelihood from the agricultural sector in comparison to 70.2 percent males.21.8 percent males in comparison to 17.4 females have access to credit. According to the draft national development plan 2015, only 27 percent of women own land which is a major factor of production and can be sold to get money for use for various purposes.

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As voters: 





Due to women’s gender roles women do not stay and listen to the candidates especially if the rallies stretch past 5:00 p.m. Most domestic chores in homes in Uganda are done by women. This will ultimately affect the access to information that they need to make choices on polling day. It’s important to note that some of the candidates have used their campaign platforms to conduct voter education for example on the change of time for polling9. In cases where women are not able to listen to these changes, they may not vote particularly if they arrive at the polling stations after 4:00pm. Women have less access to electronic and print media10. The only information some of them receive is through the candidates. If they do not attend rallies, they miss out on candidate plans that can inform their decision making on polling day. In some cases11, where campaigns have been held after 6:00p.m they have been dispersed by the Police in accordance with the EC Guidelines. In such instances, there have been reports of violence which have affected both men and women. In some cases, women in a bid to participate as supporters have followed candidates to various campaign events leaving their children with no one to watch over them because the task of watching over children in Uganda particularly in rural areas is largely left to women. This has increased domestic violence12.

A preliminary report13 on a study that is currently being conducted by WDG in six regions of Uganda to assess the trends in women’s participation in the 2016 elections in comparison to 2011 in the districts of Yumbe, Kampala, Kanungu, Masaka, Gulu …indicates that in the current election campaign, more women are attending campaign rallies in comparison to the previous elections. Women are enthusiastic about campaign promises and what different candidates plan to offer for them to make informed voting decisions. Some of the voices on this issue are as follows: Women turn up to vote in large numbers compared to men. Most women have registered, they have national Identity Cards. But when it comes to men, we have many “Norbert Maos” in Kanungu (men who do not have IDs) (Male leader, Kanungu District)

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The polling time for the 2016 elections will begin at 7am and end at 4:00 p.m. In the previous elections the polling time was 7:00 am-5:00pm 10 According to the UDHS (2011/12) 14 percent of men in comparison to 6 percent women between the ages of 1549 years have access to radio, television and a newspaper at least once a week. 86 percent men in comparison to 74 percent women listen to radio at least once a week. 30 percent of men in comparison to 20 percent women watch television at least once a week. 11 Yumbe, Arua, Katakwi districts where gender analysts filed reports indicating rallies they attended after 6:00 p.m. 12 Report by the Gender Officer Gulu, at a community dialogue organized by Women’s Democracy NetworkUganda Chapter in Gulu district, January 13, 2016 13

Women in Electoral Processes: Mapping Positive trends and Persistent Deficits in Uganda’s 2016 Elections, A Highlight of Emerging Issues January 21, 2016

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This time, many women are getting involved in election processes. They have come to understand the relevance of their vote. Women who are participating in the current political processes are many in number compared to the past years. They attend campaign rallies in big numbers than men, meaning they want to listen to what the contestants are saying and make an informed choice on who to vote (Male participant, Kanungu District). As candidates: The preliminary report on a study that WDG is currently conducting in six regions of Uganda to assess the trends in women’s participation in the 2016 elections in comparison to the 2011 elections indicates that there is an improvement in society attitude towards women’s participation in politics as candidates14. Interference in campaigns: Some of the issues affecting the campaigns like interference with rallies are affecting both male and female candidates because some political parties have chosen to have joint rallies for their candidates. The scarcity of campaign resources has partly contributed to this strategy. For instance, according to the gender analyst report on the campaigns from Arua district for January 2016, on January 20 2016, FDC candidates rally in Azia cell, Pangisa ward, Arua Municipal Council and the NRM candidate for Arua Muncipality rally were taking place 200 metres apart. The FDC candidates were unhappy with the disturbance caused by supporters of the NRM candidate who kept riding motorcycles past the FDC rally venue, distracting the crowd that was listening to the candidate’s speeches. The police were called in by the FDC candidates to offer security and the police responded quickly and escorted FDC candidates and their supporters past the NRM candidate’s campaign venue following the FDC rally. The proximity of the two venues created tension among supporters from both camps coupled with the distraction the NRM candidate supporters on motorcycles created. Access to resources: In all the 25 districts where WDG gender analysts are deployed, reports indicate that limited resources are affecting the campaign programs of both men women. However, women have facing a bigger challenge due to limited resources. For instance, at presidential level, Ms. Maureen Kyalya postponed her campaigns due to lack of funds three weeks into the campaigns for presidential candidates which began on November 9, 2015. It’s important to note that the Presidential Elections Act was amended raising the nomination fees from 8 million to 20 million for presidential candidates. In addition the law removed the provision for a vehicle for each presidential candidate and a modest contribution of 20 million Uganda shillings to the presidential candidates’ campaigns. This reality of the only female presidential candidate is experienced by women candidates at parliamentary and local council levels. This has affected the visibility of some women candidates because they cannot print posters or hold media campaigns. In addition, some women candidates have had to suspend their 14

Ibid 9

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campaigns due to financial constraints as opposed to their male counterparts and women who have resources. WDG has received reports of these cases in all the 25 districts in which she has deployed gender analysts and in personal communication with some female candidates at all levels. The Deficits of increased commercialization15: They know your price… lukumi lukumi ) (lukumi stands for 1000shs). that is the level they have put us… and whose money is it anyway? (Mbale). While the opposition is decrying the use of money, the general atmosphere is that – no money no vote. The commercialization has made it even harder for women. Women still have a fear of contesting with men. One of the issues is the envelope. At the moment, elections equals money. Women are able but to come and contest with men who can move freely and have money, it’s a challenge. If I sell a cow, she won’t sell her husband’s cow. When I sell land, she won’t sell her husband’s land. Beyond voter bribery there is the shear wastage in the mode of campaign. The need for music, full color posters and the “individual touch” (voters want to see and touch the candidate) all make the current campaign an expensive venture. The music (kadodi) with powerful speakers is now a basic requirement, which then calls for hire of a dedicated pickup, service men, and generator, campaign agents and transport. As we followed one of the candidates on a day trail, I could not resist wondering about who benefits from this enterprise. Who demands for these and what function do they serve in the political system? As people dance away the Kadodi and feel happy at that moment, do they realize that this is money not well spent and that much more importantly, they are systematically being diverted from the issues that would impact on their livelihood and citizenship? In this equation, the women’s rights question seems to be drifting further away from the public agenda.

A photo of a music apparatus which is becoming a requirement for candidates during campaigns 15

Ibid 9

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Beside the challenge of resources, women candidates like presidential candidate Maureen Kyalya and many other women candidates at various levels are facing the following obstacles: 1. More women candidates than their male counterparts are being asked about their plans to address immediate social challenges like deprivation of widows to land ownership, education and health. On education the specific issues include: feeding for children and in health maternal health. 2. The marital status of women candidates16 and questions relating to why they are not moving with their husbands (for those who are married) on their campaign trail are being asked while their male counterparts are not tasked to respond to these questions. The implication is that social expectation that one has to be married inorder to hold an elective office is still more prevalent for women candidates. This has an impact on their access to leadership. Questions about one’s marital status divert women candidates from focusing on their campaign manifestos and why they should be elected. 3. Some women candidates who are not born in the areas in which they are contesting for elective office but married there are being asked by voters to go and stand in the districts in which they are born17. 4. In Yumbe district, women standing on the open seats are being told by voters to stand for affirmative seats. 5. The young age of some women candidates has also been questioned by voters. For instance, the women candidate for LCIII chairperson in Arua district informed WDNU that she has had to spend time convincing voters to vote for her despite her young age. 6. The overwhelming demands from citizens on candidates in terms of money after campaign rallies have limited the campaigns of women candidates. This will affect their visibility and eventually their electability. 7. Publicity is a major requirement for any candidate because of the visibility it gives the candidate and his/her issues. Due to lack of resources women candidates who may not have as many networks18 with the media in comparison to their male counterparts have not received adequate access the media. It’s important to note that media is expensive especially where one does not have networks to get free airtime. 8. According to reports from WDG gender analyst in Nebbi district long hours away from home has brought domestic wrangles between couples who are married as the

16

Women candidates in Yumbe district have reported the issue of their marital status as one of the issues they have to respond to. This can affect their chances of winning an election. 17 The NRM flag bearer for district women MP Yumbe district is facing this challenge according to the January 2016 report from WDG gender analyst in Yumbe district 18 For a long time, Ugandan women have been kept in the domestic sphere. This has affected their skills and knowledge of networking and building alliances. The media mainly works with people it knows.

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women come back late from their campaigns. As a result balancing house hold chores and long hours of campaign has taken a toll on the relationship between couples. 9. Sexual pacification of women is the silent cancer in our election. The reports are that this problem is at the peak during primaries. Accordingly, men manipulate women. A key informant in Mbale had this to say: The local party chairperson can tell a woman: “nze nsinga okutegera eby’obufuzi” (meaning- I have all the requisite knowledge of politics so you give in and I will make you go through”. In Masaka such sexual demands seem to be nurtured in popular culture- Symbolically referred to as “VAT – Valued Added Tax” For some men that sexually exploited women politicians, demanding for sex is a way of taxing the females on the value (campaign posters, transport, promises to take you to the party chairperson, etc.) they (men) add unto them. This vice is belittling/degrading women. Reports from WDG gender analysts indicate that women and men who do not have resources to conduct campaign rallies have resorted to using other methods of reaching voters like: door to door campaigns. Door to door campaigns should complement rallies because rallies have a function in the electoral process. They provide citizens with the opportunity to evaluate candidates’ ideologies as well as (ideally) influence the determination of what should matter in an election. The house to house approach in turn deepens the patronage/ clientelist politics. In this case women will not have the opportunity to articulate an independent equality agenda19. Reports from WDG gender analyst in Nebbi district indicates that some NRM candidates in the different positions (LC 3, LC V Councilor) hold campaigns in areas already mobilized by their MP candidate, thus as people gather waiting for NRM-MP candidate to arrive, other NRM candidates standing for local councils seize the opportunity to campaign. Reports from WDG gender analyst in the Koboko district indicates that voters are giving their male and women candidates particularly on party tickets similar support by attending their rallies. This may partly be attributed to the joint campaign rallies which some political parties have resorted to holding. This development may be the way to go in order to minimize the resources required to hold campaigns in Uganda. As Party/Campaign agents: 

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Some gender analysts in the districts of Nebbi, Arua, Yumbe and Koboko have reported that women are participating in the election as Party agents/campaigners for candidates especially male candidates in bigger numbers than the previous elections. The gender analysts attribute the fact that more women are participating as campaign agents to empowerment by women NGOs in particular on the importance of women’s participation in politics at various levels and capacities.

Ibid 9

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

Candidates know that they have include women’s groups in their campaign trajectory. However there is a danger that these groups could be used as funnels to tap petty election crumbs while women are made to lose the bigger picture of engaging in the broader electoral contest in terms of demanding accountability as citizens20.

Despite some of the progress noted in the participation of women in the 2016 elections in comparison to 2011 as candidates, voters and campaign agents, politics of black mail, propaganda, sexualisation, violence and intimidation and commercialization continue to exclude many women21.

2. THE NUMBER OF WOMEN STANDING AS CANDIDATES AND EXISTENCE OF SPECIAL PROVISIONS FOR FEMALE CANDIDATES Despite the fact that women comprise 52 percent of the population of Uganda; as candidates in the 2016 elections; out of the eight presidential candidates only one is female. The table below also provides statistics for women and men on the open seats and those contesting for district/city chairperson. Summary of StatisticsTable 1. Females in 2016 race Post

No. females

No. males

% age female in the race

President

1

7

12.5

Open MP seat

83

1,223

6.8

District/City chairperson

722

372

1.9

Total

88

1,602

5.5

Source: Electoral Commission records 2016

20

Ibid 9 Ibid 9 22 Two women are standing on one seat – LCV Chairperson Kole District 21

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Table 2: Party distribution of women in the MP open seat race Party

No. females

Males

Party %age (F)

National % age (F)

NRM

24

267

8.2

1.4

FDC

4

196

2

0.2

DP

7

74

7

0.4

UFA

3

3

50

0.2

Independents

48

638

7

2.8

UPC

23

0

0

JEEMA

8

0

0

PPP

5

0

0

Others

12

0

0

Total

1,223

Source: EC: List of Nominated candidates 2016, http://www.ec.or.ug accessed on January 21, 2016 Table 3: Party Distribution of Candidates in Woman MP race Party

No

%age

Independent

200

49.4

NRM

110

27.2

FDC

58

14.3

DP

18

4.4

UPC

11

2.7

CP

2

0.5

UFA

1

0.2

JEEMA

1

0.2

15

PPP

1

0.2

Others

3

0.7

Total

405

100

Source: EC: List of Nominated candidates 2016, http://www.ec.or.ug accessed on January 21, 2016 Table: Case on party leadership at district level: Mbale District level

Position

NRM

FDC

UPC

Chairperson

M

F

M

Vice chairperson

n/a

M

n/a

Secretary

M

M

M

Mobiliser/Publicity

M

M

N/A

Finance & Admin

M

N/A

N/A

Treasurer

M

N/A

N/A

Women leader

F

F

F

Youth Leader

M

M

M

Source: Fieldwork conducted by WDG consultants in December 2015 The tables above indicate that Uganda has not realized the provisions of Article 33 (4) on gender equality for men and women in politics. The graph below by WDG gender analysts in eight districts23 indicates the gap between men and women with regard to their participation in the election as candidates for directly elected seats.

23

Yumbe, Koboko, Arua, Nebbi, Kamuli, Nakapiripirit, Katakwi and Jinja

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Chart 1: Analysis of percentage of men to women running as candidates on party tickets on at various levels in the 2016 elections in Uganda24

Chart 2: Analysis of percentage of men to women running as Independent candidates at various levels in the 2016 elections in Uganda

This above findings by WDG gender analysts in eight districts is confirmed by a preliminary study report by WDG25 on an ongoing study on women’s participation in the 2016 elections in comparison to previous elections, women expressed strong passion to contest for political leadership, and to engage more in competitive politics, thus contesting the ‘unopposed 24

Ibid 19

25

Ibid 9 17

syndrome’ that often dominated the past elections. This is especially relevant to affirmative action seats and Councilor positions at the Parish and Sub-county levels. Some voices on this issue are as follows: There are more women coming up to vie for political leadership unlike in the past two elections. I think it is because of the sensitization…(female, Gulu) Previously, it was difficult to get women to fill even the AA seats but now, some position some have two or even five contestants. The fact that there are more women contesting against each other clearly shows a big improvement as far as women’s emancipations is concerned (Male KII, Kawempe division, Kampala). The key drivers to increased women’s interest in the electoral processes were given as: support from family and community members, improvements in education, sensitization by NGOs including acquisition of leadership skills and political party support. Qualitative and quantitative findings in the six districts selected for the study26 demonstrates a positive trend regarding community attitudes towards women’s active engagement in the electoral processes at different levels, including higher political representation. Women were perceived to be trustworthy and caring for their communities and country than men. There were several voices supportive of this such as “‘if you want the truth involve women’ as many participants claimed. Some voices in this regard: Women are good leaders, good managers and they are trustworthy although they have their weaknesses, but those who are in political positions do deliver Women are responsible and trustworthy and hardworking. Since we have been led by men for long we should give a woman a chance Women are patient, men steal money, they are wasteful and women are good planners and are economical they can drive development of the country The study in the six districts of Uganda in which WDG is conducting a study on trends in women’s participation in the 2016 elections administered a questionnaire to 255 respondents. Majority participants felt they had no problem entrusting capable and willing women with key political positions including the presidency of the country (55.0%); members of parliament (97%); LCV Chairpersons (78.2%) and LCIII Chairpersons (76.3%). Surprisingly, more men (29.9%) than women (25.5%) were more willing to vote a capable female presidential candidate. Such views challenge traditional negative perceptions around women’s engagement in the electoral processes such as politics traditionally known to be a ‘no go area’ for women and a ‘preserve for men’ notions that have kept women out of politics for long. The emerging attitude provides women a ray of hope to engage in competitive politics at all political levels. But these emerging attitudes have to be nurtured in order to translate into improved electoral fortunes especially on highly competitive and open seats. During the first televised presidential debate held on January 15, 2016, candidate Maureen Kyalya made an important point among many others about women in politics in Uganda- that 26

Yumbe, Gulu, Kanungu, Kampala, Masaka and Mbale

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she was not a politician and was not supposed to be the one to stand at the podium. And that it was only because the capable women had cowed out under the burden of fear and intimidation! This fear does not relate to the presidential race only but rather runs through the entire political leadership spectrum which also results into high attrition rates for women who are able to “speak to power”. The Politics of the Open seat: The open seat has now been named in no uncertain terms- “ekifo kyabasajja”. Women who stand on the open seat are seen as intruders. Though this is a reality that has been severally observed- it has now acquired a status of a semi - official position. A candidate standing on an open seat in Manafwa district was heard aired on radio pleading to President Museveni – as “Muzeyi they are blaming me for intruding on the men’s seat”. The nomination indicates that there are only 83 women out of the 1,306 candidates standing on the open seat, making 6% of the electoral contest at this level, 58% of which are running as independents. This also talks about the largely impervious nature of the political parties. The situation at the level of LCV chairperson is much worse with 4 women out of 380 candidates making a pantry 1% of the contest. Findings from the five districts depict the spread of false propaganda by male contestants and supporters about the affirmative action policy. The message relayed to the electorate is that women have reserved seats and the propaganda is aimed at discouraging female candidates to contest for direct positions and reduce on the competition for male contestants. Such propaganda coupled with limited effort to correct it discourages women to contest for the positions. Participants mentioned how such propaganda is often accompanied by voter bribes, intrigue, violence and intimidation that further discourage women from contesting. Women Seeking Male approval even on Affirmative Action seats for women – which woman should we vote for? One of the critical bottlenecks is the patriarchal interpretation of women’s political contest whether by men or women contestants. The phenomenon of powerful male politicians- (muzeeyi, powerful businessmen) endorsing who should stand as a woman MP is fast becoming the norm thereby accentuating patronage and male privilege – all these have long term impact on how and/or what an individual woman leader will deliver.

3. ACCESS TO MEDIA FOR MEN AND WOMEN CANDIDATES AND EXTEND TO WHICH THE VIEWS OF WOMEN ARE SOUGHT ON THE ELECTION ACME released its media monitoring report for November 2015 on January 22, 2016. According to their report which WDG internalized, the presidential candidates have continued to be the major source of information on elections. Television gave the widest coverage to presidential candidates at 85.5 percent and parliamentary candidates at 7.4 percent, followed by newspapers at 72.1 percent for presidential candidates and parliamentary candidates at 17.2 percent and radio at 67.6 percent for presidential candidates and parliamentary candidates at 21.4 percent. WDG is concerned that radio received the least coverage of presidential candidates because 74 percent of 19

females and 86 percent of men listen to radio at least once a week27. Television which received the most coverage is only accessible to 20 percent of women and 30 percent of men 28. Since there is limited community voter education, media remains the major source of information on the elections. There is need to intensify coverage of the elections using radio to enable more females in particular to gain access to election related information. WDG is concerned that females according to the ACME November 2015 report continue to be a less source of information in newspapers on elections than their male counterparts at 17.8 percent. Elections can provide the best possible opportunity to ensure women’s voices are heard, their concerns are addressed, and their potential contributions to peace and democracy are maximized. Without this happening no country can attain its goals of peace, democracy and development.

Source: ACME, November 2015 4. MEASURES POLITICAL PARTIES AND ELECTORAL COMMISSION HAVE TAKEN TO ENSURE THE EQUAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN AND MEN IN THE CAMPAIGNS AS CANDIDATES AND VOTERS Despite the disadvantages women candidates face as a result of Uganda’s social, economic, political and cultural construction, in terms of the legal framework at the national level there is no special provision for women candidates as evidenced by the following:  

27 28

Female and male candidates at all levels from Presidential to local council candidates have to pay the same nomination fees. There are no special provisions in the Parliamentary and Local Elections Act that increase the period of campaigns for women even when women on the affirmative

Ibid 6 Ibid 6

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action seat have a wider area of coverage. For instance, candidates contesting for the seat of district women Member of Parliament represent a district while their counterparts on open seats represent a constituency. The district women MP of Arua district for instance has five counties which comprise the district. Her counterparts on the other hand have only one county. In terms of campaign resources she is over stretched and yet in most cases she has to raise funds on her own with limited or no support from her political party. Special considerations within political parties: 1. Some political parties like Forum for Democratic Change have provided nomination fees to women candidates standing for MP who are not incumbents. 2. FDC did not charge any nomination fees for all its candidates standing for elective office at various levels. NRM on the other hand did not bear in mind the social and economic construction of Uganda’s society and therefore did not give special consideration to women standing for any elective position both within the party structures and in the 2016 general election.

WDG gender analysts in Nebbi, Kampala and Arua have witnessed a positive trend in campaigning by some parties like FDC and NRM where both men and women belonging to the same party have joint campaign rallies. This has cut campaign costs for particularly women candidates WDG spoke to who may not have had the opportunity to campaign due to the costs involved.

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Electoral Commission 

All candidates (male and female) who were nominated by Electoral Commission have been given the opportunity to campaign as per the schedule from EC which the candidates collectively agreed upon. The EC has not given any special consideration to either female nor male candidates during the campaigns.



Voter education: The Electoral Commission in accordance with the Electoral Commission Act is mandated to provide voter education. There have been some changes in the electoral laws which have a bearing on whether one votes in the 2016 election or not. For example, voting will begin at 7am and end at 5pm. The basis of voting according to information from the EC will be the voters register. A biometric system has been introduced to among others prevent multiple voting. The previous voters register that was used in the 2011 elections is defunct. The voters register that will be used is the one that was drawn from the national identification process. The polling dates for various elective offices are being announced through electronic media.

Despite these major changes which have a bearing on whether one will vote or not, there has been limited voter education. Most voter education is being done using electronic media. Most women, particularly in rural areas where majority of the population lives do not have access to a radio. Where they do, the timing of the radio spots or talk shows may not be conducive for them to listen in due to gender roles. As a result, more women may be affected by the changes in the electoral laws on voting day. Hence this will lead to disenfranchisement or failure to turn up to vote.

5. THE ISSUES THE CANDIDATES ARE PROMOTING DURING THE CAMPAIGNS AND THE EXTENT TO WHICH THEY ADDRESS SPECIFIC ISSUES AFFECTING WOMEN AS HIGHLIGHTED IN THE NATIONAL WOMEN’S MANIFESTO 2016-2021 According to the ACME media monitoring report of November 2015, there was minimal interrogation of claims of presidential candidates across all media in November, although this trend is expected to change in December as preliminary observations show. Daily Monitor has for instance introduced the Fact Checker, a space dedicated to interrogating promises and statements by presidential candidates. Similar efforts of analysis are observed in The Observer and New Vision. It is important for the media to interrogate the promises of the presidential candidates for purposes of accountability especially after the election. WDG gender analysts January 2016 reports indicate the issues on which the candidates anchored their campaign messages.

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Chart 3: Parliamentary Candidates’ commitment to the issues in the women's manifesto from 8 districts in Uganda29

Women’s land and property rights received no mention and yet it is at the core of women’s productivity and the economic livelihood of their families. 81.3 percent of women and 70.2 of males derive their livelihood from agriculture30. Only 27 percent of women own registered land31. 20.4 percent of women in comparison to 19.2 men use loans for instance to invest in education of their children32. WDG is therefore concerned that candidates are not providing solutions to the current challenges women face in order to get land and property. If this statusquo does not change, the economic situation of majority rural women will remain the same.

6. VIOLENCE AND SECURITY DURING THE CAMPAIGNS AND HOW IT’S AFFECTING MEN AND WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION Pre-election violence for the 2016 has manifested in several areas notably Ntungamo, Jinja and Gulu and many others that are not reported. Women under the UWONET umbrella have out to condemn violence, including police brutality, and to specifically register the fact that women bear the brunt of these brutal actions. The do or die politics makes women to weigh options, and the weighing scale does not always favour active political engagement, particularly on opposition. 29

Arua, Koboko, Yumbe, Nebbi, Nakapiripirit, Katakwi, Kamuli and Jinja Ibid 4 31 Draft National Development Plan, 2015 32 Ibid 4 30

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7. ACCESS TO THE COMPLAINTS SYSTEM, TYPE OF CASES BEING FILED BY MEN AND WOMEN AND RESPONSIVENESS OF THE COMPLAINTS SYSTEM TO THE COMPLAINTS Both men and women in accordance with the laws of Uganda can file complaints at any police station during an election. However, the number of males filing complaints with Police is more than females. Reports from WDG gender analysts indicate that in some districts like Nebbi no complaints have been registered at the Central Police Station by January 21, 2016. Some of the common cases reported to Police by January 20, 2016 in some districts where WDG is observing elections include: Jinja district: Between September –December 2015, Jinja Central Police station had registered 22 cases. Of these, two were reported by females while 20 were reported by males. The major complaints included: Assault and threatening violence, intimidation, destroying posters, defacing of posters. Yumbe district: Candidates have called police via telephone to report opponents campaigning beyond the mandated time of 6:00pm. Some independent candidates are using party colours even after they were defeated in party primaries. For instance candidate Avako Naima who was nominated as an independent even when she contested in the NRM party primary elections still used the party colour. The NRM flag bearer for Yumbe district has called police on a number of occasions via phone but has not filed an official written complaint. Koboko district: The cases in Koboko Central Police Station when WDG gender analyst visited the police station were reported by men. They include: interference with campaign schedule; and allegations of voter bribery and demobilization of women against attending campaigns of opponents. Arua district: A female candidate for MP reported a case to the Arua Central Police Station of threatening violence by an Ayivu Chief and the case is still under investigation. Cases of clashes between candidates’ supporters and candidates threatening violence have also been reported to Arua Central Police Station by male candidates contesting for MP in the counties of Terego, Madi-Okollo and Ayivu. A case of assault by a journalist of Radio Pacis who was covering a campaign rally is also currently under investigation by Police in Arua Central Police Station.

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Katakwi district: the cases were reported by men. They included: character assassination, theft of a banner and assault. The culture of reporting complaints is not prevalent in Uganda. It’s only when crimes are considered major that people report to police. In addition, allegations of police being partisan partly contributed to their actions against the opposition in particular prior to the presidential campaigns also dissuade people from reporting complaints to the police for fear that they will not receive justice. RECOMMENDATIONS 1. The education of citizens on the importance of women’s equal participation with men and its implications for Uganda’s progress must be strengthened by Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, Uganda Human Rights Commission, Electoral Commission, Media and various civil society organizations that work towards reducing the gender gap for women’s participation in politics and public life. This calls for increased resources by government and donors to all stakeholders especially women and men headed organization focused on gender and women’s rights. 2. The media should strive to increase female voices as a source of information. Elections can provide the best possible opportunity to ensure women’s voices are heard, their concerns are addressed, and their potential contributions to peace and democracy are maximized. Without this happening no country can attain its goals of peace, democracy and development. 3. Candidates and all political parties must commit to having violence free elections thorough language and their actions. 4. The Electoral Commission and Uganda Police Force should continue to build public confidence in the institutions to increase public access to information and usage for filing complaints and resolution through established structures. In addition, cases reported to the Police and Electoral Commission on electoral related matters should be fast tracked. 5. Civil society organizations and the media should continue to interrogate candidates campaign messages and educate citizens on the feasibility of their promises to enhance accountability prior to and after the elections. 6. All stakeholders especially political parties should address the issues that affect women’s participation in internal party politics. The police and other stakeholders should provide a conducive environment for women’s participation in politics particularly those who support opposition.

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WOMEN’S DEMOCRACY GROUP [WDG] GENDER AND WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION ELECTION OBSERVATION FORM FOR THE 2016 ELECTIONS 1.1.

Why observe the participation of women and gender in an election?

Gender issues affect all aspects of an election and should therefore be mainstreamed in the entire election observation processes of CEON-U including: methodology, reporting and recommendations. All CEON-U members should be aware of how gender issues relate to their specific areas of responsibility within the observation process. In performing their duties, they should consider how legal, political, and social structures affect women as well as men in the electoral process. For example, the work of CEON-U will include looking at women’s participation as voters, candidates, party agents and elected representatives; the participation of women in leadership roles within state institutions, electoral commissions, and political parties; and how the legal framework and media structures affect women as well as men. All CEON-U members should pursue information about women’s participation as they conduct the activities normally associated with their assigned duties, and they should draw appropriate conclusions on how national structures and practices affect women’s political participation. Like other elements of an Election Observation Mission, gender monitoring is intended to collect information, assess the extent to which law and practice meet international, regional and national commitments and standards, and then make constructive recommendations for Uganda as it continues on an inclusive democratization path. Every meeting with an official, a political party, media representative, provides an opportunity to gain insights regarding the rights of women, any barriers to their equal participation in public life, and reforms that might help overcome discrimination where it exists. Questions for gender analyst on gender and women’s participation in the 2016 elections As a gender analyst you will have to conduct some interviews with relevant stakeholders in the election including: Police, Party leaders, candidates, media, and citizens to gather data to complete the questions below.

4. Election Administration 1. Find out the degree to which women hold positions on district and on lower levels of the election administration; 2. Assess whether women are truly functioning as leaders and decision makers and how much influence they have in the leadership or other positions they hold. Interview women in the Electoral Commission structures to assess this. For instance their position in the EC and how they know that their decisions are respected on various issues in which they make a contribution in terms of decision making. They can give examples to illustrate their answer. 26

3. Assess the extent to which election commissions at all levels are aware of gender considerations and take them into account in their work. E.g. in making guidelines on each stage of the election, placement in existing positions within the EC. For example are women specifically encouraged to apply for existing positions advertised within the district structures of the electoral commission? If yes, ask for a sample advertisement to clarify the response if it is in the affirmative.

Note:

Usually where an EC considers equal opportunity in its recruitment it includes a clause on equal opportunity between women and men in all appointments and selections and can even state that women are encouraged to apply in its advertisement of existing job opportunities.

1. Gender balance at district levels. Complete the table below by interviewing the Electoral Commission registrar in your district. This information is collected once. District

Sex of Sex of deputy Number of subReturning returning county supervisors officer/registrar officer/registrar No. of Males…………. No. of Females ………. Total:

Number of supervisors

No. of Males……………… No. of Females……………. Total:

4. What factors have influenced the numbers of women and men in the table above? Find out from the Electoral Commission registrar in your district. 5. Women and men’s participation as candidates The ratio of men to women candidates. You can get this information from party officials in the district after party nominations of candidates for respective positions. Interview each party leader of the parties which have fielded candidates for the positions in the table below. Cross check this information with the Electoral Commission registrar in your district after nomination of the candidates by the Electoral Commission for the respective positions. This information is collected once. Position No. of Male Party No. of Females Party Affiliation Affiliation Directly Elected Members of Parliament District Women MPs Local Council V chairpersons District local 27

parish

councilors Local council IV chairperson/Mayors Local council III chairpersons Local council III councils Local council I chairpersons Indicate numbers of men and women running as independent candidates for the various elective positions in the table below. You can get this information from the Electoral Commission registrar following nominations of the candidates for the various positions. This information is collected once. Position

No. of males – indicate the party or if the candidate is independent

No. of femalesindicate the party or if the candidate is independent

Directly elected Member of Parliament District women member of parliament Local council V chairperson District local councilors Local council IV chairperson Local council III chairpersons Local council III councilors Local council I chairperson 6. Women and men’s participation as voters and arising gender issues 1. The numbers and proportions in which women and men are registered to vote. Get this information from the district registrar in your district. This information is collected once.

28

Name of District

No. of Males on the district voters register

Percentage of male voters in the district register

No. of Females on the district voters register

Percentage of female voters in the district register

Total number of voters registered in the district

2. What specific steps if any are political parties taking to attract men to vote for them and their candidates?—Interview party leaders of parties which have fielded candidates in your district. 3. What specific steps if any are political parties taking to attract women to vote for them and their candidates?—Interview party leaders of parties which have fielded candidates in your district 4. What issues are male candidates talking about in their campaign rallies and meetings? You should only complete this information each time after you attend a campaign rally. During the rally record the issues the candidates are speaking about. 5. What issues are female candidates talking about in their campaign rallies and meetings? You should only complete this information each time after you attend a campaign rally. During the rally record the issues the candidates are speaking about. WDG wants to find out if the issues in the national women’s manifesto are part of the message of the aspiring candidates at rallies and meetings. Issues Male What did Female What did Venue and candidatethe male candidatethe date at Indicate candidate Indicate female which position for commit position for candidate issues was which to on which commit to spoken candidate is each candidate is on each about standing e.g. issue standing e.g. issue MP, LC V MP, LCV councilor councilor Women’s health Education Women’s Economic empowerment Women’s land and property rights 29

Women, politics and decision making Others For example commitment can be in form of: a) I will lobby for policies to reduce maternal mortality b) I will advocate for retention of girls in school and increased budget allocation to education c) I will work with the District Education Officer to educate parents about the importance of supporting the children’s education e.g. provision of meals, buying uniforms and books d) I will enact byelaws to support----e) I will move motions to cause Parliament to investigate the provision of health services. 2. Women and men’s participation as party agents and arising gender issues 1. Complete the table below to assess gender balance among party agents per party. You will need to interview the district party leaders in your district to gather this information. Some agents will be deployed prior to the election as campaign agents while others will be deployed a few days to polling day. The table below is for agents who will be deployed during the campaign period. You can collect this information thrice during the campaign period. At the beginning immediately after nomination of the candidates, in the middle of campaigns and at the end. WDG will assess if deployment of campaign agents in terms of sex kept changing during the campaign period and reasons why through your responses to questions 2 and 3 below the table. District

DP No. of Males… …… No. of Females …..

FDC No. of Males… …… No. of Females… ..

JEEMA No. of Males… …… No. of Females… ..

NRM No. of Males… …… No. of Females… ..

UPC No. of Males… …… No. of Females… ..

UFA No. of Males… …… No. of Females… ..

PPP No. of Males… …… No. of Females… ..

2. What factors determined the numbers of women and men party agents per party in the table above? 3. What specific steps did each of the parties in the table above take to ensure that both men and women were recruited to serve as party agents in their respective political parties? Please segregate data per party. 30

3. Women and the campaigns 1. Have any of the party’s women candidates’ encountered intimidation or interference with their campaign efforts? No……Yes….. (Tick where applicable)

2.

3.

Have these differed from problems encountered by men? If yes, how have the problems encountered by women and men differed? You can interview some of the women and men candidates prior to answering this question. These questions should be asked thrice during the campaign period. At the beginning, in the middle and at the end of the campaigns. Target candidates at different levels including: aspiring candidates for directly elected women and men MPs and district and sub-county women and men councilors standing for the direct seats and LCIII and IV chairpersons. If your district does not have an LCIV chairperson just stick to position of LCIII chairperson. You can interview a minimum of 6 candidates for each elective position including three male and three female candidates. Have women encountered any other specific problems during the campaign because of their sex? If yes, what specific problems have women candidates encountered because of their sex which differ from men? What progressive steps have you seen that political parties and Electoral Commission have taken to promote women’s equal participation with men during the campaigns?

4. Women and men’s access to legal system during elections You will need to visit the police stations in your district particularly the election unit which is incharge of handling election related case. Each district has this unit at the central police station. Introduce yourself and then interview the officer in charge. You will need to make monthly visits to the police station from October 2015-March 2016 so that we have updated information in our system with regard to the questions below.

1. Have women and men reported any electoral related cases to the police? If yes, how many cases have been reported to police at the time of your interview with the police during the month of your visit. Indicate the month in which you visited the police station to gather this information?....... 2. What are the most common kind of cases women have reported to the police in comparison to men? Women:…………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………… Men: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………… For question 2, Interview women who have reported electoral related cases to the police for the next question 3. What was the response by the police to women when they reported an election related case to the police? 31

a) Was action taken by the police on the case? Yes………No…….. (Tick that applies) b) If no, what reasons did the police give?.................................................................... Progress on women’s participation and gender in the 2016 elections The questions below should be completed on a monthly basis. 1. What noticeable progress have you seen with regard to women’s participation and gender in elections as candidates, party agents and voters? 2. What practices would you mention as commendable with regard to actions that have been taken to enhance the equal participation of women with men in the 2016 elections?

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References African Center for Media Excellence, Monitoring the coverage of the 2016 Elections, January 2016 Hand book for European Election Observation, Second Edition (2010) Uganda Demographic and Health Survey 2011/2012 Uganda National Household Survey 2011/2012 Women in Electoral Processes: Mapping Positive trends and Persistent Deficits in Uganda’s 2016 Elections; A Highlight of Emerging Issues by Josephine Ahikire for WDG January, 2016

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