LABOR MIGRATION FROM SOUTHEASTERN NIGERIA TO SPANISH FERNANDO PO, 1900-1968
Anthony C. Oham
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for degree of Master of Arts
Department of History
Central Michigan U~iv_ersity Mount Pleasant, Michigan October, 2006
Accepted by the Faculty of the College of Graduate Studies, Central Michigan University, in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the Master's degree
Thesis Committee:
Committee Chair Faculty Member Faculty Member Faculty Member
Dean
d" College of Graduate Stu Ies
Date:
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Committee: Solomon A. Getahun, Ph.d., Chair. Maureen N. Eke, Ph.d. Timothy D. Hall, Ph.d. John F. Robertson, Ph.d.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS While writing this thesis and studying at Central Michigan University, I encountered many challenges. I had a hard time because my wife was not with me. Because she was not with me, there were a lot of distractions that affected my academic progress. Despite this, I succeeded and will not fail to thank the Almighty God for the special grace and infinite mercies He gave me, especially in completing this work in due time. I am very, very grateful to my parents, Mr. and Mrs. J.O. Oham, who encouraged and supported me financially to study in the U.S. I thank my wife, Mrs. Godsfavour Akuoma Oham, for the patience, prayers, encouragement, and love she gave me in order that I could achieve my goals at CMU. To my advisor, Dr. Solomon A. Getahun-thanks for being so patient and caring. I learned from you what no textbook could have taught me. I also would like to recognize the assistance and encouragement of Dr. Chima J. Korieh, who has been a colleague and father to me. I am also grateful for your support, especially for making it possible for me to come to CMU to pursue my education. I thank you also for finding time to edit my work. My gratitude also goes to Prof. T. Hall, who assisted me in many ways to have a successful academic career in CMU. I also thank you once more for your assistance in bringing me here to CMU. I would not have learned as much if I had not come to CMU. v
To all my instructors and committee members at Central Michigan University, especially Prof. Stephen P. Scherer, Prof. John F. Robertson, Prof. Maureen N. Eke, Prof. Thomas Benjamin, Prof. James Schmiechen, Prof. Eric Johnson, and others who have made it possible in one way or another for me to be successful-thank you for being here at CMU for me. I also thank the CMU Writing Center for making time to edit my work, especially Wesley M. Umstead and Wanda M. Thibodeaux, who contributed in no small measure in the completion of this thesis. To all those who contributed in one way or the other and who are not mentioned above, thank you and God bless.
LABOR MIGRATION FROM SOUTHEASTERN NIGERIA TO SPANISH FERNANDO PO, 1900-1968
by Anthony Oharn
The history of African societies has been defined and reshaped by internal and external factors. The African colonial encounter of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries reshaped the social and economic processes ofNigerian societies. Some of these developments were internal (rural-urban) and international (across border) labor migrations. I am particularly interested in the migration history of southeastern Nigeria and the socio-economic impact of migration upon the migrants and imperial powers. This thesis aims to discuss migration from southeastern Nigeria to Fernando Po during the colonial era from several angles. The study specifically explains the AngloSpanish labor agreement that led to the export of thousands ofNigerian laborers, particularly from southeastern Nigeria, to Spanish Fernando Po. The research made use of archival sources, oral sources, and review of related literature available on migration of Nigerians to Spanish Fernando Po. This work explores the nature, motive, and impact of this migration on both imperial powers and Nigerian migrants. The research also investigates the kind of labor vii
practices and attitudes that existed in the plantations of Fernando Po, particularly the \ives and experiences of the migrants from their own perspective. The study combines aspects of social, economic, and political history in colonial Nigeria, an area that has not received adequate attention. The study found that the Anglo-Spanish labor agreement was an important example of colonial cooperation, but one in which the wage, living, and working conditions of Nigerian laborers were compromised by both colonial powers.
TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................. x CHAPTER
I.
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................... 1
Theoretical Framework ........................................................... 7 History and Geography ......................................................... 12 Methodology and Sources ....................................................... 18 Motivation of the Migrants ....................................................22 Age and Gender of the Migrants ..............................................24
II.
THE HISTORY OF THE ANGLO-SPANISH AGREEMENT .....................27
III.
WAGE, LIVING, AND WORKING CONDITIONS ON THE PLANTATIONS ......................................................................... .40
IV.
IMP ACT ANALYSIS ............................................................. · ....... 57 Background for Migration Impact Analysis ....................... · ........ 57 Impact on the Migr~ts ...................................................... :·.·.~~ Impact on the Impenal Powers ............................................ .
V.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ......................................... · .. . ......70
APPENDICES ............................................ · .... · .. · .. ·········· .. ············· ..... BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................. ··································
ix
82
.................. 88
LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
PAGE
1. Estimation of Population .................................................................... 18
2. Number of Nigerian Migrants Who Returned To Southeastern Nigeria (Calabar Province, 1947) ................................................................................ 26 3. Export of Cocoa from 1939-1968 .......................................................... 69
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The experiences of African societies have been influenced by external contact, which includes the European exploration of the fifteenth century, the Atlantic slave trade, and the European missionary and imperialist activities of the late nineteenth century. Thus, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries brought fundamental changes to African societies. In Nigeria, the colonial encounter reshaped the economic and social processes of local societies. Colonialism increased movement of people within and across boundaries. Some individuals migrated because they were in search of new opportunities created by the bureaucracy. Others migrated because they were seeking employment in the industrial, mining, and commercial farms that developed in the wake of the European colonialism. This study examines the type of migration that the European encounter engendered in local Nigerian societies. It focuses on the migration from southeastern Nigeria to Spanish Fernando Po between 1900 and 1968-a subject that hitherto has been neglected. I chose to begin the study in 1900 because it was at this period that Britain established colonization in Nigeria-the Nigerian relations with Spanish Fernando Po allowed Britain to be involved in Nigerian labor migration to Spanish Fernando Po. Additionally, 1968 was the year in which Fernando Po received independence. This marked the end of the colonial period on the island ofFemando Po that I covered in this research. This work also utilizes historical facts before 1900 in order to place the present study in context. The study also examines the impact of the Anglo-Spanish agreement of 1942 that led to the movement ofthousands oflgbo and Ibibio laborers to Spanish cocoa
pl:mtnt•ons on the island of Fernando Po in present-day Equatorial Guinea. The focus is on the nature. motive. and impact of this migration on the Nigerian migrants, as well as on the imperial powers. The study pays particular attention to the kind of labor regime that existed in the plantations of Fernando Po and explores the lives and experiences of the migrants. The research combines aspects of social, economic, and political history in the colonial period. The thesis argues that the Anglo-Spanish agreement was a colonial cooperation, but one in which the conditions of Nigerian laborers were compromised by both colonial powers. This study is important for several reasons: It attempts to show that, despite contestations for areas of influence in Africa, colonial powers often collaborated to protect their mutual interests. The thesis further attempts to show that local people were important in shaping colonial societies. It will make a valuable contribution to the history of Nigerian migration, labor, and colonialism. The research will deepen the understanding of Nigerian labor migration to Spanish Fernando Po, particularly regarding the lives and experiences of these migrants under colonial administration. The study also will deepen the understanding of the nature of migration in West Africa. By examining the case of Nigerian labor migration, insights and conclusions can be drawn more accurately about the implications oflabor migration for African societies. Migration refers to the change in residence involving movement between communities. R. K. Udo describes migration as a permanent or semi-permanent change of abode; hence, migration generally is considered to be an economic act, which makes it
a rational act; it is man's reaction to economic differentials between regions. 1 Hill adds that. in West Africa. the tendency to migrate does not essentially associate at all closely with population density as demographers and economists so often assume; it may be the result of a lack of lucrative non-farming occupations, because farming is not regarded as "work" by some West Africans. 2 S. Amin, meanwhile, argues that colonialism constitutes an important dimension of the labor migration nexus in West Africa. 3 M. Peil appends that the political stability of the colonial period made possible a great increase in migration. 4 The substantial migration in Nigeria began in southeastern Nigeria after the colonization by the British in 1900. Migration had not been evident in this region before the colonial period; most of the early forms ofmigration were limited in scope and often were present for a very short period of time. However, the colonial authorities imposed policies that forced migration to colonies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. As W.T.S Gould shows, colonial authorities often entered into agreements to promote interterritorial movement of this kind in an attempt to balance supply of and demand for labor, and labor agreements were particularly prevalent during the 1940's and 1950's.5 This
1
R.K. Udo, 'Internal migrants and development', in J.S.Oguntoyinbo et al. (eds.) A Geography of Nigerian Development (lbadan: Heinemann Educational Books, 1978). Cited inS. Ekpenyong. Ikpe Migrants Cocoa Farmers of South-Western Cameroon. African: Journal of the International African Institute 54, no. I (1984): 20-30. 2 Hill, (1978: 25-26) Author's fust name and full bibliographical information not provided. Cited inS. Ekpenyong. Ikpe Migrants Cocoa Farmers of South-Western Cameroon. African: Journal of the International Afi-ican Institute 54, no. I (1984): 20-30. 3 S. Amin, Colonialism in West Africa. New York: Monthy Review Press. Cited in J.A Arthur, "International Labor Migration Pattern in West Africa." African Studies Review 34, no.3 (1991 Dec.): 6587. 4 M. Peil, The Expulsion of West African Aliens. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 9, no.2 (1971): 205-229. s W .T.S. Gould, "International Migration in Tropical: A Bibliographical Review." International Migration Review 8, no.3 (1974, Autumn): 347-365.
3
was when the colonial economies were expanding rapidly and when labor supply problems seemed particularly serious. The International Labor Organization offered a summary of these agreements in all African countries and concluded that movements such as these within and between colonial districts could not be considered as "international" in the strict sense or as distinct from internal migration: "The factors that justify a distinction between internal and external migration in more advanced areas are not present to the same degree in Africa ... What is said ... regarding the causes and results of inter-territorial movement is therefore equally applicable to the numerically much more important internal migration." 6 D. D. Cordell, J .W. Gregory, and V. Piche observe that, in the conventional dictionary, colonial migration is generally characterized as "traditional" or "archaic" migration that does not bring social transformation, but which recreates the original society in a new setting. 7 According to J. A. Arthur, economic and social factors influence the character of the international migratory flow of labor in West Africa. The vital role of economic factors is the result of the movement oflabor across the borders of West Africa. He argues that, because the international movement oflabor in West Africa is caused by inequalities in economic development and natural resources among countries in the region, the need of migrants to maximize income and achieve social status through
6
International Labor Organization, "Inter-territorial migration of Africa south of the Sahara."
International Labor Review 76( 1957): 292-310. 7 D.O. Cordell, J.W Gregory, & V. Piche, Hoe and Wage: A Social History of a Circular Migration System in West Africa (Colorado: Westview Press.\996), 21.
4
mi~TTat10n
thus existed.' Cordell. Gregory, and Piche add that migration in West Africa is
mostly forced. The capitalist sphere could not survive in its present form without the noncapitalist sphere. which provides labor at an extremely low cost. This means that the noncapitalist sphere sponsors its capitalist counterpart. Thus, migration is a form of articulation that connects both spheres as a sole economy. 9 J.A. McCain sees the migration of Nigerians as a function of perceived economic opportunity; this function can be viewed as the perceived opportunities of employment. 10 In addition, J. Osuntokun observes that Nigerian migration was a result of political oppression, a lack of economic opportunities, and a shortage of land to cultivate crops. All of these problems led to the mass exodus ofNigerian migrants to Spanish Fernando Po. II I. K. Sundiata gives a complete history of Fernando Po, explains the links
between slavery and free contract labor, and confronts the ideas of labor development and progress in various colonial contexts. Thus, Fernando Po developed a plantation economy dependent on migrant laborers who worked under conditions similar to slavery. Sundiata reports that a "contract worker on Sao Tome in 1900 probably approximated various definitions of 'slave' more than did those persons in 1800 who, while legally slaves, were left to devote most of their time to the cultivation of small subsistence plots." 12
8 J.A Arthur, "International Labor Migration Pattern in West Africa." African Studies Review 34, no.3 (1991 Dec): 65-87. 9 Cordell, Gregory, & Piche. Hoe and Wage, 18. 10 J.A. McCain, "Migration Pattern in Nigeria." African Studies Review 15, no.2 (1972): 209-215, African Studies Association. 11 J. Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH Century to the Present. Papers read at the Canadian Africa Studies Association Conference. Sherbrooke PQ Canada (1977, Aprii26-May3): 16. 12 I.K. Sundiata, From Slaving to Neo-slavery: The Bight ofBight and Fernando Po in the Era of Abolition, 1827-1930 (London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1996), 121.
5
The N1gerian relationship with Fernando Po was based on an economic and strategic reasoning that existed throughout the colonial times. Fernando Po was close to the Bights of Benin and Biafra. Because ofthis, many of the Creoles claimed Nigerian ancestry. D B. Akinyemi, the former Nigerian Minister of External Affairs, further posits that Fernando Po was an important consideration in Nigeria's foreign policy. The island of Fernando Po is virtually a neighbor to Nigeria, and many of the laborers on Fernando Po plantations were Nigerian in birth. 14 According to R.T. Brown, the British government decided to remove the Mixed Commission Courts and the slave suppression squadron from Sierra Leone to Fernando Po in 1826. The British government took these actions because the government wanted to make the humanitarian program of abolition more applicable to the reality ofthe conditions in Africa. The original campaign of direct attack on the exporters of slaves had been turned over to the Royal Navy and a system of Mixed Commission Courts. There were various bilateral treaties signed between Great Britain, Spain, and other powers that gave the Royal Navy authority to stop slave-carrying ships. Once captured, the slavers would be punished by imprisonment.
15
The agreements gave the British the authority to
"search and arrest" because the British suspected that Spain was engaging in illegal human trafficking of Nigerian laborers. The crop of cocoa was taken from Brazil to Sao Tome in 1822 and later introduced to Fernando Po. The introduction of cocoa to Fernando Po produced a shift 13 J. Osuntokun, Nigeria- Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A.B Ed. Nigeria and the World (Ibadan: University ofibadan, 1973), 3. 14 B. Akinyemi, "Nigeria and Fernando Po, 1958-1966: The Politics oflrridentism." Africa Affairs 69, no.276 (1970 July): 236-249. 15 R.T. Brown, "Fernando Po and the Anti-Sierra Leonean Campaign, 1826-1834." The International Journal of African Historical Studies 6, no.2 (1973): 249-264.
6
fwm the palm oil trade to plantation agriculture. 16 The country was unable to meet the labor need ofthc cocoa plantations. Thus, the decision was made to recruit labor from neighboring countries, and by the 1940's, Nigerians had became the most populous and important migrants working in the plantations of Spanish Fernando Po.
Theoretical Framework Many scholars have propounded a number of models in order to determine what influences internal and international labor migration. These models are the economic maximization model, also known as the cost-benefit and human capital model; the mobility transition model of Zelinsky; the volume, direction, and distance or gravity models ofZipf, Isard and Bramhall, and Olsson; the ecological model ofRavenstein and Lee; Mabogunje's system model; the value expectancy model of Dejong and Fawcett; Byerlee's model, and Todaro's model. In regard to these models, I will discuss and apply the three models of migration mentioned above that are supported by Arthur; I will borrow the utility aspect of each model that is congruent with the study. The other models will not be applied to this study because their features are not related to this specific migration study. Arthur's assertion is that Todaro's, Mabogunje's, and Byerlee's models are the most suitable for studying migration in West Africa, particularly the migration of individuals from southeastern Nigeria to Fernando Po. Arthur's reasons are as follows: These models stress the importance of the labor market and economic conditions to the decision-making of a migrant; they acknowledge the role of family structure, kinship, and 16 I.K. Sundiata, "Prelude to Scandal: Liberia and Fernando Po." The Journal of African History 15, no. I (1974): 97-112.
7
"''mmunuy organt7ations in the migratory process; they have the potential to examine the major types of migration in West Africa, such as circular. stepwise, and chain migrations, without the need to rely on any particular assumptions about human behavior; and they explain migration as part of a general theory of economic development based upon a sectoral approach which recognizes the transport of labor from one economic sector to another. 17 Before applying these models to Nigerian migration to Spanish Fernando Po, I shall attempt to explain the models based on individual approach, in order to make it clear what the models are saying and also how they relate to the subject matter. M. Todaro's model postulates that migration decision-making occurs in response to the expected income differences between rural and urban locations. 18 The basic hypothesis in this statement is that the possible migrant chooses a place that maximizes the anticipated gains from migration. Thus, anticipated gain is measured in real income differences between the rural and urban employment opportunities and also in the probability of the potential migrant securing a job at the place of destination. 19
A. L. Mabogunje's approach to migration postulates that rural-urban migration in Africa is influenced by the interrelationship of ruraVurban control systems, ruraVurban adjustment mechanisms, and the positive or negative flow of information about migration. There are four elements ofMabogunje's model. The first element states that a pool of potential migrants in the rural areas is viewed as a mass resource rather than as individuals. The second element consists of two systems pertaining to migration flows: 17
Arthur, "International Labor Migration Pattern in West Africa." 18 M. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries." The American Economic Review 59, no. I ( 1969): 138-148. 19 Arthur, "International Labor Migration Pattern in West Africa."
8
,,nc centered in the rural area and controlling outflows and one in the urban area controlling inflows. The third element is a background environment comprised of social and economic conditions. govemment policies, transportation, and communication infrastructure. Finally, the fourth element states that the low level of technological progress and development causes migration. 20 G. Dejong and R. Gardner interpret Mabogunje's model: With regards to the push side ofmigration, it is evident that local economic conditions would affect the pool of potential migrants. Thus, if there is much work, fewer persons will enter the migrant pool than if the opposite were true. The pool, however, will also be affected by local social practices pertaining to the family. [On the other hand] the pull side of migration, wage rate and job opportunities emanating from the urban system, would affect whether individuals in the pool of potential migrants in fact migrate. 21 D. Byerlee views migration as the outcome of cost-return calculation. 22 Going by Byerlee's assertion, when the perceived return of migration exceeds the perceived cost of migration, the decision to migrate will be made. Byerlee sees this model as beyond the conventional cost-return analysis ofthe human capital approach because it includes elements of the social system, explicitly identifies determinants of rural and urban income, and introduces risks and other psychic costs into the migration decision-making process?
3
20 A.L. Mabogunje, "System Approach to a Theory of Rural-urban Migration." Geographical Analysis 2 (1970): 1-17. 11 G. Dejong & R.Gardner, Migration Decision Making. (New York: Pergamon.I981), 153-157 22 D.Byerlee, "Rural-urban Migration in Africa: Theory, Policy and Research." lmp/ication.lntemational Migration Review 8 (1974): 543-566. 23 Byerlee, "Rural-urban Migration in Africa: Theory, Policy and Research."
9
The
question is how these models relate to Nigeria's labor migration to Spanish
Fernando Po during the colonial period. It is here that Todaro's model provides one of the best exphmations for labor migration in Nigerian society, because it recognizes the unequal distribution of economic and social development among regions in Nigeria. The migration ofNigerians to Spanish Fernando Po was determined by economic reasons. According to the oral investigation I conducted of migrants between the ages of 68-85. Nigerians originally migrated to Spanish Fernando Po because of unavailability of jobs in southeastern Nigeria. Onwubu notes that "the intimation that 'more job opportunities' were available outside [Nigeria] would suggest that the British colonial administration, if anything, had failed to adopt a policy of uniform development of all the areas ofthis legal-commercial structure which they had created."24 It is the income to be earned as a migrant laborer that provides the driving force behind the decision to move. Thus, the Spanish authorities promised liberal payment to Nigerian laborers. Because of this, the Nigerian migrants were confident that they would have jobs with higher wages in Fernando Po. This confidence influenced the decision of Nigerians to migrate to Spanish Fernando Po. Mabogunje's model stresses the structure and social practices of the community and how they can facilitate or impede migration. During the period of this study, the Igbo people were the largest population of the Nigerian migrants in Spanish Fernando Po. One of the respondents who worked in a cocoa plantation and who is familiar with older lgbo customs and traditions, Udochukwu, reports that the traditional Igbo society says that it is a taboo for young unmarried women to migrate. The tradition, therefore, didn't permit 24 C. Onwubu, "Etlmic Identity, Political Integration and National Development: The Igbo Diaspora in Nigeria." The Journal of Modern Africa Studies 13, no.3 ( 1975 Sept): 399-413.
10
Yotmg gtrl~ widow~
to migrate to Spanish Fernando Po. Rather, it was married women and
who migrated to Spanish Fernando Po. However, not all widows migrated. Only
those widows who had the strength to work on plantations and who did not have anyone to assist them migrated. Mabogunje's model asserts that community has an affect on migration. Since the tradition held by the Igbo community members impacted whether or not women migrated, Mabogunje's model applies to Nigerian labor migration to Spanish Fernando Po. While Mabogunje's model focuses on the community as a whole, Byerlee's model emphasizes the role of family in migration decision-making. Although the reasons for migration change over time, based on the respondents' assertions, the family structure helped in communicating to the migrants that there were job opportunities available in Spanish Fernando Po. The government and churches were asking for people to be recruited to work on Spanish cocoa plantations. The family structure helped to sponsor the potential migrant to sign some documents presented by the government at Calabar and also encouraged the potential migrant to migrate in order to increase family earning. Also, many families and kinship groups played a vital role in preventing their daughters from migrating to Spanish Fernando Po. 25 Byerlee's model provides one explanation of the impact of family on the migration of Nigerians to Spanish Fernando Po. It is important to note that, since independence, the migration pattern of West
Africa has undergone--and is still undergoing--changes. For instance, according to D. Okali, E. Okapara, and J. Olawoye, there is a changing pattern of migration of young women. In the past (as supported above), young women were restricted in migration.
21
Udochukwu, interview by Anthony Oham, December 20, 2005.
11
Howt:HT. young women now arc migrating in order to acquire education and skills for a better job. The relaxation of the tradition began during the Nigerian Civil War in 1967 when some unmarried women ran away with soldiers; family members at home became more accepting of unmarried women leaving when the women who had run away began to send gifts back home.
26
Furthermore, based on the experiences I had in Nigeria, family
and kinship group does not have as much influence in the migration decision as it did in the past because of social and economic poverty; some potential migrants make a radical decision to migrate based on their own circumstances rather than on the decision of their family and kinship group.
History and Geography Full comprehension of the migration pattern in the region requires some knowledge of the historical and geographical context. The generally accepted history and origin of southeastern Nigeria was that collected through oral tradition by historians, ethnologists, and others. Going by C.C. Ifemesia's assertion, "it is now believed that there was an early Igbo homeland on the northern Igbo plateau; that is, in what are today parts of the A wka, Orlu, Owerri and Okigwi area. From this heartland the people dispersed at different periods in various directions ... to the south and south-east, towards the eastern delta and the Cross River area; to the north ... to the west. .. and back again to the bank." 27 Although Ifemesia did not identify the exact location of the heartland, the account ofH.M. Cole and C. Aniaker is similar: "Early Igbo appear to have first occupied 26
The case
D. Okali, E. Okapara, & J.Olawoye, Rural-Urban Interaction and Livelihood Strategies Series:
of Aba and its region southeastern Nigeria (London: Human Settlement Program liED, 2001), 28.
2
C.C. Ifemesia, Traditional H11man Living among the /gbo: An H1stoncal Perspective (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co.Ltd, 1979), 21-22.
12
th..: Awka-Urlu plateau area. often referred to as the 'lgbo heartland,' four to live thousand years ago ... lN lfemesia claims that in "the general expansion outwards from the Igbo heartland, there is evidence of migration from elsewhere into Igboland, and of external influences which played upon the Igbo." Some ofthese clans are: In the south and south-east (Ijo, Ibibio, Efik and other Cross River people), in the north and north-west (Tiv, Idoma and Igala), and in the west (Edo ). In many cases, it is said that original migrations were people moving because of population pressure; or fleeing from justice, or from the powerful arm of an oppressive king; or having off to set up on their own after quarreling with their kinsmen; or wanting to try their luck elsewhere after a series of accidents or misfortunes, the persistent failure of crops, or childlessness of women, in a particular place; or responding to "the lure of the great commercial highway of the river valley," seeking places in the river basin favorable to trade. But natural disasters-like drought and farming, flood and pestilence-and wanderlust might also have induced migration. Ifemesia observes that the lgbo people and their clans could be traced from oral sources. "lgbo belongs to the Kwa sub-family of the Niger-Congo family oflanguages. Also, it has been estimated that the languages ancestral to Niger-Congo family could not have been spoken more recently than 10,000 years ago." 29 Similarly, A. E. Afigbo claims that "lgbo is one of the languages which linguists designate 'kwa,' a sub-group of the Niger Congo group ofNegro languages." Historical and linguistic scholars draw their conclusion from glotto-chronological evidence that the kwa sub-group languages assumed "their distinctive and individual forms, at least 6,000 years ago."
28 H.M. Cole & C. Aniakor, Igbo Arts: Community and Cosmos. (California: Regents of Universitt,; of California, 1984), I. 9 Ifemesia, Traditional Human Living among the lgbo, 22, 17.
13
As
for migration and dispersal oflgbo people to their present location. Afigbo
confim1s that anthropologists and other scholars always have arrived at "the theory that the Nri-Awka-Orlu complex was probably the earliest center of lgbo settlement in southern Nigeria. ,,Jo The migrants left the region of early settlement and migrated to other places that they still occupy today. A. A. Dike added that "it is equally relevant that the oral traditions of most Igbo groups point to part ofNorthem lgboland as the original home of their ancestors. Specifically, most scholars point to the Awka and Orlu area as the original home of the lgbo." 31 W.A. Onwuejeogwu gives a similar report that the Igbo traced their origin from Nri. There is a saying in lgbo history that all roads begin at Nri, the place named the Holy City. 32 On the study oflgbo Ukwu, the Encyclopedia Britannica reports that "Nri may have been influenced by the Igala and seems in turn to have exercised considerable influence in earlier times not only on the Igbo but also on the Igala and other peoples around the Niger-Benue confluence."33 Before the nineteenth century, the present geographical area at the coast and the hinterland had been settled by the communities of southeastern Nigeria. On the coast were the Ijo, the Andoni-Ibeno, and the Efik. North of the delta, east of the main Niger waterway, and west of the Cross River was the hinterland, which was occupied by the lgbo and Ibibio. East and north of the Cross River were the people of the Ekoi, Yakur,
30 A.E.Afigbo, "lgbo Land Before 1800." In Groundwork of Nigerian History. 73-88. Edited by Obaro Ikime (Heinemenn Educational Books (Nig) Ltd, 1980), 75. Cited in Nwmjih, A Study of the Origins, Characteristics, and Significance of the Traditional Art of Blacksmithing in Southeastern Nigeria, (UMI Dissertation Services, 1993), 30 31 A.A.Dike, The Resilience of lgbo Culture. A Case Study of Awka Town. (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers Co. Ltd, 1985), 5. 32 W.A.Onwuejeogwu, "Nri, the Holy City" In lgbo World An Anthology of oral Histories and Historical Descriptions, 22-29.Ed. Elizabeth Isichel (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Education Limted, 1977). Cited in Nworjih, 31. n Encyclopedia Britannica, eta!, "Igbo Ukwu" www.britannica.com/eb/article-55308 (2006).
14
Agoi. and other groups of the Obubra and Ogoja areas. During the colonial rule in the twentieth century. southeastern Nigeria was known as the Eastern Province(s), and after that period was called the Eastern Region or Eastern Nigeria. From 1967 to 1976, the lands of the Cross River basin were officially called the Southeastern State. In present day, the area has been geographically designated in the wider Nigerian context as southeastern Nigeria.
34
This title was put in place in order to ensure that power was not
monopolized by one ethnic group or a dominant group within the six zones of Nigeria. Southeastern Nigeria is inhabited by numerous different groups, but it is inhabited predominantly by the lgbo-speaking people that are found in Abia, Anarnbra, Ebonyi, Enugu, lmo and River States; the lbibio people that live in Akwa Thorn State; the Efik and Ekoi, who live in Cross River State; the Ijaws, who live in Rivers and Bayelsa States; and the Ogoni people, who also reside in parts of River State. 35 The Igbo, lbibio, Ijo, and Ogoja were politically decentralized. There is no proof that the people formed even a loosely integrated empire or state of notable shape. The largest political unit ofthe lgbos is the village-group, while the political unit of the lbibio, Ijo and Ogoja is the village. The village-group for the lbo and the village for the lbibio, Ijo and Ogoja are loose organizations of villages, which the colonial authorities referred to as 'clans'; many social anthropologists called these villages or 'clans' tribes.
36
Southeastern Nigeria lies between the latitudes 4° 20' and 7° OO'N and longitudes 5° 25'and 9° 35'E. The region is bounded on the east by the Republic of Cameroon, on
34 C.C.Ifemesia, Southeastern Nigeria in the nineteenth century: An Introduction Analysis(New York:NOK Publishers, 1978), 1, Vii. 35 Okali, Okpara & 01awoye, Rural-Urban Interaction and Livelihood Strategies, 12. 36 A.E. Afigbo, The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule in Nigeria 1891-1929 (New York: Humanities Press, Inc, 1972), 7, 17.
15
the south by the Atlantic Ocean (or the Bight of Bonny), and on the west by the River Niger. Its northern boundary is marked by the states ofKogi, Benue, and Taraba. 37 The region covers 29.484 square miles and contains 12,394,000 inhabitants. 38 Also included is the land east of the lower Niger, which covers 76,358 km, 2 and the area south of the Benue valley. Nigeria.
40
39
Southeastern Nigeria is the second smallest of the four main regions in
It encompasses nine out of the thirty-six states, namely the states of Abia,
Akwa, Thorn, Anambra, Cross River, Eungu, Irno, Ebonyi and Rivers. Additionally, the vegetation of southeastern Nigeria is mangrove and freshwater swamp communities, rainforest, forest/savanna mosaic, and derived savanna zone. The aforementioned vegetation is grouped under a forest zone. The climatic condition of this region includes high rainfall, constantly high temperatures, and high atmospheric humidities. 41 The high population of southeastern Nigeria is a fundamental fact of the region's geography.
42
Southeastern Nigeria is one of the most populous regions in the country. Its
population stood at 13,467,328 in the 1963 census. In 1991, the census revealed that 22,000,000 of the approximately 88.5 million people nationwide were living in southeastern Nigeria.
43
The lgboland has the highest population density in the region of
southeastern Nigeria "with an estimated population density of236 persons or higher per square mile."
44
It was noted in 1929 by the Colonial Resident for Onitsha that "land was
37
J. C. Okafor, "Conservation and Use of Traditional Vegetable from Woody Forest Species in Southeastern Nigeria." www .ipgri.cgiar.org/publications/HTML Publications/500/ch04.htm (2006), I. 38 W.A. Perkins & J.H. Stembridge, Nigeria: A Description Geography (Ibadan: OUP.l966), 101. 39 Okali, Okpara & Olawoye, Rural-Urban Interaction and Livelihood Strategies, 12. 40 Perkins & Srembridge, Nigeria: A Description Geography, 101. 41 Okafor, "Conservation and Use of Traditional Vegetable," I. 42 B. Floyd, Eastern Nigeria: A Geographical Review (New York: Prager.1969), 19. 43 Floyd, Eastern Nigeria: A Geographical Review, 19. 44 See National Archive of Nigeria (hereafter NAE) ONPROF7/15/135,"World Agricultural Census,"Resident, Onitsha to District Officer Awgu,16 January 1929. Cited in C.J.Korieh, The "Genuine
16
quit~ litmt~d m proportion to the population in many parts of the rcgion."
45
The migration
study reflected the high population rate of the Igbo migrants in Spanish Fernando Po. By the end or 1940. it was reported that I 0,000 Nigerians from Owerri were in Fernando
The total number of individuals who migrated from southeastern Nigeria to Fernando Po cannot be easily determined because of incomplete data. Nevertheless, the twenty-one respondents confirmed that a large number of people from southeastern Nigeria migrated to Spanish Fernando Po. Previous to the Anglo-Spanish agreement, the number ofNigerian migrants was estimated to be 10,000. The 1942-1955 stipulation of the Anglo-Spanish agreement permitted 250 laborers from southeastern Nigeria per month; the 1956-1957 stipulation permitted 800 laborers per month from the same region; and the last amendment ofthe agreement from 1958-1968 permitted 2000 laborers for each period of three months. Based on this data, I can estimate a total population of 148,200, assuming that the maximum number of migrants allowed by the stipulations was met. Table 1 below shows the estimated population that migrated to Spanish Fernando Po for a period of twenty-six years. It is important to note that the estimated population does not include the number of illegal migrants, nor does it include adjustment for those migrants who might have died during the migration period. This is because there is no available data regarding the number of illegal migrants and the number of migrants who might have died during migration. Farmer": Gender and the Dynamics of Agricultural change in lgboland, Southeastem Nigeria,/900C./970(2001), 16. 45 NAN (hareafterNAE) ONPROF7/15/135. 46 G. Clarence-Smith, "The Impact of the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War on Portuguese and Spanish Africa." In World War II and Africa. The Journal of African History, 26, no.4 (1985): 309-326.
17
rahk I. t:stJmatJOn of Population
I Lct X-= 2SO per month. Y =
800 per month, Z --2000 per three months.
I
'r'ear(s)
Pre-agreement
I
Number of Years Per Calculation --
I
I Migrants Already in Fernando Po!Total
Increase of Migrants by Month(s)
Increase of Migrants
--
1942-1955
13
X=250
1956-1957
2
Y=BOO
1958-1968
10
II
I
1 1
10,000
39,000 19,200
z =2000 80,000 I Total Migrant Population= 148,200
I
j J J J J
Methodology and Sources The problem in studying migration in West Africa is the shortage of systematic data. The shortage of complete data makes it difficult to make a good analysis of the events or to estimate magnitudes oftime and dates of specific migration flows. Even though some data exist, it is very hard to join migrants directly with such factors as their access to land, ownership of assets, occupational factors, marital statuses, ages, and other variables that are important to understand why specific categories of people migrated. Moreover, there were serious inadequacies in the census enumeration of volume of migration and places of origin and destinations. Data regarding characteristics ofthe migrants was affected not only by these qualitative deficiencies, but also by the nature of available tabulations. It is necessary to use fragmentary pieces of data, some of which are sometimes incompatible. 18
l'hl' ::~'111'\'l'S.
ml~'nnntilm
I used in this study was obtained from archival sources. oml
and n:\·icw of related material available on Nigerian migration to Spanish
h·m:mdl' Pl'. St'Condary data also were collected from journals. research reports. and ,,tht•r puhlishcd material. This study conducts a comprehensive review of the existing
st'\.'l'nda.ry sources to place the present study in context. The research location was in southt'~\Stern
Nigeria. The description of the study area has been given above. Most of the
l'r.tl data for this study was collected in areas of southeastern Nigeria such as Amakohia. llmuguma. Ogwuwgu. Ireta. Mbano. Ak.'Wakuma, Ihiawa, and Orlu-umuaka. Most of these areas are located in Owerri, the capital city oflrno State. Archival sources also were collected. This was done at the National Archives Enugu and Regional Archives Calabar in Nigeria. This study emphasizes qualitative methods due to the interest I had regarding the e:\:periences of migrants. As a result_ oral sources form an important source for this work. The quantitative approach is intended to help people understand the age, sex, and population of the laborers that migrated from southeastern Nigeria to Fernando Po. It also facilitates the ability to understand and answer the questions: Why did they migrate? Where did they migrate? When did they migrate? How did they migrate? The qualitative data consists of in-depth interviews of former migrants. This helps because no one knows the reasons for migration to Fernando Po better than the former migrants. Due to the fact that the migration to Fernando Po occurred 40 or more years ago. there was difficulty in finding migrants to interview. I therefore was not selective in regard to the age or gender of the migrants; they needed only to have migrated and worked on the plantations in Fernando Po. The people who were inten;ewed were 19
sck.-tcd because they were identified by the chief/kinsmen of the aforementioned n>mmunitics as being individuals who claimed that they had migrated to Fernando Po and
worked in the plantations. The first phase of the interviews was conducted in April 2004 before my arrival in
the U.S. for the study that commenced in January 2005. During this phase, a total of six 1
migrants were interviewed. The second phase of the interviews was carried out from 18 h December 2005-4 1h January 2006. During this phase, 15 migrants were interviewed. It was necessary to use two phases of_interviews due to the fact that, after conducting the first six interviews, I initially was denied a visa to enter the United States for my study. I therefore believed that I would not be able to complete the research regarding Nigerian migration, but my visa was approved at a later date. The approval of the visa provided the means by_which I could interview more migrants. A total of only twenty-one migrants thus were interviewed due to the difficulty in finding migrants and the short period of time I had to conduct the research. The twenty-one interviews, however, still provided a general idea of the age and sex of people who migrated to Spanish Fernando Po and explored their reasons for migration. Eighteen men and three women (aged 68-85 years) were interviewed. The gender discrepancy existed because the migrants were difficult to find due to the fact the migration occurred forty or more years ago. The difference also existed because social and family structures at the time of migration resulted in few women actually migrating. The three women I interviewed therefore were women who were available but who had migrated with their husbands. Most migrants were single men.
20
Nineteen of the twenty-one respondents were healthy and active. Two less active respondents were nonetheless not so unhealthy or inactive that they could not learn a yocation. All twenty-one respondents were residing in villages where they engaged in tmskilled labor, trading, and farming jobs. Appendix A further describes the migrants in terms of name, age, occupation, date of interview, place of interview, and remarks. The interviews were conducted in native languages and later were translated into English. This is because most of the migrants do not speak English. They are more familiar with their indigenous languages and other languages learned in Fernando Po. The interview with each of the respondents lasted 45 to 50 minutes. Using the methodology ofC.J. Korieh, I asked questions in the context of individual experiences while also looking for a typical pattern for comparative analysis. The guiding questions were framed to elicit a narrative answer/response, and they were based on the following themes: experiences, treatment, and conditions while in Fernando Po. Appendix B details the questions asked during the interviews. Recording the interviews made some of the respondents very conscious of what they said. Ten of the twenty-one respondents preferred to give the information without being recorded. However, I made them understand that the interviews were being conducted only for academic purposes by presenting my student J.D. card and also by leaving personaVfamily information with them. I also facilitated the interviews further by offering to pay the respondents approximately $10 USD (1,400 naira) for their information, which all of the respondents accepted. In addition to the oral interviews I conducted, I also used archival sources. I consulted topic files and reports at the National Archives Enugu and Regional Archives 21
Calahar that dealt with the issue of Nigerian labor migration to Spanish Fernando Po. The data included labor reports, annual reports, official correspondence, reports and papers as submitted to the clerk at the House of Commons or Senate during parliamentary sessions, and government reports. These documents provided useful information such as stipulations of the Anglo-Spanish agreement of 1942, labor conditions, statistical data of quarterly returned migrants, and other important information. Despite the useful information provided by the documents listed above, all these data were fragmentary pieces of documents; many of these documents were in bits and pieces. In others, passages were blacked out, and entire pages sometimes were missing. Korieh emphasizes that archival records are important documents to understand human subjects and for the establishment of historical accuracy. 47 According to Barbara Cooper's assertion, "African history, perhaps more than other domains of history, has had to be inventive in its use of sources and eclectic in its approach to evidence ... due to in large part to the relative paucity of written documentary materials.'"' 8 In this regard, the available documents for historical research were not dependable, but they were utilized in this study because there were no other data available to me at the time of the research.
Motivation of the Migrants Migration was occurring in Nigeria prior to the existence of plantations in Fernando Po due to factors such as trade, etc. Nevertheless, all twenty-one_respondents of
47 C.J. Korieh, The "Genuine Farmer": Gender and the Dynamics ofAgricultural change in lgboland. Southeastern Nigeria, 1900-C./970 (2001), 24-43, 48. 48 B.M.Cooper, Oral Sources and the Challenge of Africa History, in John Edward Philips, ed., Writing African History (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2005), II. Cited in Korieh, The "Genuine Farmer", 51.
22
the
,,ral
inYcsllg.atlon report that they specifically were motivated to migrate to Spanish
Fcmando Po due to economic conditions in the region of southeastern Nigeria at the time
,,r their migration.
These economic conditions resulted from the lack of employment
opportunities in the region of southeastern Nigeria. These conditions existed because there was not enough land for the people to farm; those farmers who had no land had to consider leaving southeastern Nigeria in order to find work. They went further to say that they were attracted by the employment opportunities at Spanish Fernando Po. The impression received by the migrants from propaganda and popular opinion was that anyone who migrated to Fernando Po eventually would get a job and live a better life. According to Udochukwu, one of the respondents, the returning migrants said that the government of Fernando Po was paying a large amount of money to those who agreed to migrate under labor contracts. Because of this, most men decided to migrate in order to improve their economic condition. 49 Udochukwu, Augustine, Chibuike, and Damian point out that most of the migrants worked in farming jobs with their parents; some were running little trading businesses, and a few were going to school before they received information through the government, churches, friends, and relatives that there were a lot of job opportunities in Spanish Fernando Po. 5° In addition to what was indicated by the responses of the interviewed migrants, Osuntokun observes that the migrants also were influenced by political opposition and shortage of land to farm that made them resort to
49
Udochukwu Udochukwu, Augustine, Chibuike & Damian, interview by Anthony Oham, December 20 & 27, WOS, Aprill8, 2004. so
23
1 ni~ration to
51
All these factors discussed above by the respondents and Osuntokun appear
be congruent with the models discussed previously in the theoretical framework.
Age and Gender of the Migrants Chibuike, Jude, Friday, and Damian, four of the respondents, report that people less than eighteen years old weren't recruited. The migrants who were recruited at the Calabar office by the Anglo-Spanish Employment Agency were between eighteen and forty-five years old. 5 2 In fact, the stipulated charter ofthe Anglo-Spanish agreement confirmed that no one less than eighteen years old would be recruited. 53 All twenty-one respondents point out that the people who migrated were given acceptance forms for completion. After the form was completed, the migrant endorsed the form with his or her signature. The parents or relatives of the migrant also signed the form before the migrant embarked to Spanish Fernando Po. All twenty-one of the respondents claim that it was mostly men who migrated to Fernando Po because the family structure in Nigeria, particularly in lgbo communities, permitted. men to migrate to support their families. In the past, as Sylvanus, one ofthe respondents, reports, young men were much more likely to migrate than women, particularly unmarried women. 54 The way family structure affected the migration of women was shown at Calabar. According to Osuntakun, the Spanish authorities aimed to maintain a labor force of approximately 14,000 men for the duration of eighteen months
:: Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A.B Ed, 6 Ch1bmke, Jude, Friday & Damian, interview by Anthony Oham, December 20 & 22, 2005, April IS, 2004. 53 Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C 16 " Syvanus, interview by Anthony Oham, January 2, 2006. '
24
to
(\\'(1
years. Af1cr the expiration of the contract, another group of men had to take the
place of the men whose contracts had expired. Men officially embarked from Ca\abar.
55
During the period of Nigerian migration to Fernando Po, Calabar was the headquarters of the eastern province of Nigeria and a point of departure and return_to and from Fernando Po due to the fact that it was possible to reach Fernando Po from Calabar by sea. Due to its location, the British founded the Anglo-Spanish Employment Agency there. Anglo-Spanish authorities established the Anglo-Spanish Employment Agency with the sole responsibility of recruiting Nigerian laborers for the plantations in Spanish Fernando Po. Additionally, there were Nigerians working for this agency. 56 Respondents Udochukwu, Augustine, and Sylvanus claim that the recruiters were not recruiting many women because of the nature of the jobs in plantations. The jobs in plantations were hard jobs that needed physical strength. The recruiting agents did not consider women to be strong enough to recruit them. For this reason, most of the women who migrated to Fernando Po were following their husbands, and a few others were widows recruited at the headquarters in Calabar and who had no other means of financial security except to migrate and to work on the plantations in Fernando Po. 57 Thus, all twenty-one respondents claim that the majority of people who were recruited to work on the plantations were men. Furthermore, the fact that the plantations did not utilize any modernization in terms of farming technology as the years passed meant that the nature of the jobs on the plantations remained largely the same over time. The gender ratio on
55 56
1966-67.
Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 19-20. See NAN (hereafter NAE) Annual Report of the Federal Ministry of Land-Labor Division of
57 Udochukwu, Augustine & Sylvanus interview by Anthony Oham. December 20 & 27, 2005 January 2, 2006. 25
&
th~
plantations therefore remained the same over multiple years, as well. Data from the
~ational
Archive of Nigeria further supports that men were migrating more often than
women (see information for 1947, 1948, and 1949 in different provinces at ONPROFCA/N0/42, 31 July 1952). Table 2 below is part of the aforementioned data. 5
8
Table 2. Number of Nigerian Migrants Who Returned to Southeastern Nigeria (Ca1abar Province, 1947) Areas
JanuaiJ February March M w c M w c M w ABAK 20 13 1 8 EKET 28 2 12 10 CALABR 8 1 UYO 4 1 9 2 2 3 OPOBO 12 2 1 13 2 2 3 IKOTEKPENE 44 1 40 3 6 M represents Men, W represents women, and C represents children.
-
-
-
58
c -
-
See National Archive of Nigeria (hereafter NAE) ONPROFCA/N0/42, 31 July 1952. For a more recent study, see Abe Goldman, "Population Growth and Agricultural Change in Imo State, Southeastern Nigeria," in Population Growth and Agricultural Change in Africa, B. L. Turner II, R. Kates, and G. Hyden, eds. (Gainesville, FL.: University of Florida Press, 1993), 250-301.
26
CHAPTER II THE HISTORY OF THE ANGLO-SPANISH AGREEMENT Plantations had been in existence in Spanish Fernando Po before the AngloSpanish agreement of 1942 that triggered the migration of thousands of the lgbo and the Ibibio laborers of southeastern Nigeria to work in non-African and African plantations in Spanish Fernando Po. The main crop grown on these plantations was cocoa. There were I, 142 cocoa plantations of less than ten hectares, 242 of 10 to 30 hectares, 124 of 30 to I 00 hectares, and 100 larger than 100 hectares. The 1,608 plantations covered twentynine percent of Fernando Po's surface. 59 Many of the workers on these plantations were from Liberia and Cameroon, but there were also illegal Nigerian migrants, particularly from southeastern Nigeria, who were working on these plantations. Spain utilized the manpower of the migrant workers on the plantations in order to maximize profit because the Spanish authorities wanted to export raw goods so that those goods could be used in their factories. The Spanish authorities continued to make use of these laborers until the Anglo-Spanish accord was signed that officially ushered in the use of Nigerian laborers to work on the plantations. It is important to note that Nigerian contacts with Fernando Po started prior to the
establishment of the aforementioned plantations. According to Max Liniger-Goumaz, the relationship began in 1778 with the Treaty of Pardo, which specified that the entire Niger Delta, particularly the Rio Gallinas and Bonny River, belonged to Spain. The British expeditions ignored Fernando Po to conquer Nigeria-Laird, Lander, and Oldfields. Pelion
y Rodriguez later confirmed that, between 1860 and 1875, the Niger Delta was a territory 59 I.K.Sundiata, Equatorial Guinea: Colonialism, State Terror, and the Search for Stability. (Boulder, San Francisco, & Oxford: Westview Press, 1990), 49
27
''"ned hy Sra111. Because of this. during World War II, some Spanish authors (not cited) rL'nnnmcmkd that Spain should claim Nigeria.'~'
The fact that contact with Fernando Po existed for such a long period of time contributed to Fernando Po being a significant factor in Nigerian foreign policy. 61 The relationship between Fernando Po and Nigeria was one based on economy and strategy. These economic and strategic connections existed for the duration of the colonization of both countries. Hence, "the economic relations, established as a result of Fernando Po's strategic proximity to the Bights of Benin and Biafra, were added to the demographic factor of the presence of Creoles many of whom claimed 'Nigerian' ancestry.',c, 2 Many Creoles claimed Nigerian ancestry because they were the descendents of Nigerian freed slaves. However, some Creoles also descended from migrants from Liberia and Sierra Leone. These Creoles had communities in Fernando Po, particularly in Santa Isabel and San Carlos. 63 The Spanish had been recruiting people from Nigeria illegally. In particular, the Spanish had been recruiting the Igbo from southeastern Nigeria because labor was most copious in that area. This was because the region was highly populated with a high number of farmers. The land shortage that occurred in southeastern Nigeria resulted in many of these farmers having no work, thus many farmers sought to work on the plantations of Spanish Fernando Po.
60
Max Liniger-Gournaz, Historical Dictionary of Equatorial Guinea. African Historical Dictionaries, No.21 (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, Inc. 2000), 312. 61 Akinyemi, "Nigeria and Fernando Po, 1958-1966: The Politics oflrridentism" :~ Osunt~k~n, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A. BEd, 2. Max L•mger-Goumaz, Historical Dictionary of Equatorial Guinea, 171
28
Meanwhile. the Spanish were making inflated promises of paying high wages. rlwse promises ncYcr were fulfilled. but because of the promises, laborers secretly were migrating to Fcmando Po in order to work in the Spanish plantations. 64 Great Britain had been suspecting Spain of illegal labor trafficking from Nigeria. It might have been because of this that the Royal Navy ships that were based in Freetown (Sierra Leone) were shifted to Femando Po to enable Britain to monitor the moves ofSpain. 65 The important fact is that Fernando Po had been heavily dependent on Old Calabar for workers since 1827; Fernando Po had to maintain this dependent relationship up to the outbreak of World War I. To prohibit the illegal human trafficking that was occurring between Nigeria and Fernando Po, bilateral treaties were signed between Great Britain and other powers that gave the British Admiralty the authority to "search and arrest" ships that might have been conveying humans for trade. This was because the Nigerian authorities saw the human trafficking as a new slave trade. 66 Niven notes that, throughout the early years of the nineteenth century, Great Britain's Royal Navy had been the leading spirit in fighting against human traffic on the high seas.
67
Sundiata states that some observers (not named) argued that anti-slaving was the use of a pretense of morality to hide an immoral purpose. 68 This was because Britain had its own interests in Fernando Po. These interests were so strong that Britain even
64
Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 6. Niven, Nigeria: Nations of the Modern World, 22 66 Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 6. 67 R. Niven, Nigeria: Nations of the Modern World (New York: FREDERICK. PRAEGER.1967),
65
22. 68
Sundiata, From Slaving to Neo-slavery, 40.
29
;lt!c·mp!cd to
buy
the island_"'' The argument thus was that Britain had mounted their anti-
slaYing campaign simply so that their interests would be supported. The emergence of World War I resulted in tensions between Britain and Spain. During this time. Britain suspected that Spain was continuing to participate in labor trafficking. These tensions worsened until finally, in 1914, the British closed down the German shipping company, the Woermann Line, which had been established in Nigeria. The British forbade the company's ships from operating. 70 The ships that conveyed laborers from Liberia to Fernando Po belonged to this company. In the two-year period that followed, Great Britain had sufficient suspicion to claim that Spain was involved in supplying weapons for the Germans during the hostilities between Germany and Cameroon. Even after the end of German-Cameroon hostility in 1916, Britain claimed that the Spanish government persistently gave aid to the German troops that were defeated by their opponents. Economically, Germans were interested in Spanish Fernando Po. The Germans had many companies on the island of Fernando Po, such as the E. H. Moritz Company.
71
The Germans also were in control of the import and export trade on the island. This is why Britain sensed that Germans ships were used to smuggle illegal Nigerian laborers to Fernando Po and consequently shut down the Woermann Line. Meanwhile, the Nigerian Labor Ordinance No.1 of 1929 prohibited Nigerian citizens from being recruited for labor in any country and particularly from migrating to Spanish Fernando Po. This was
69
70 71
R Uwehue. African Today (London, African Book Ltd, 1991),873 Osuntokun, Nigeria- Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A.B Ed, 4. Max Liniger-Goumaz, Historical Dictionary of Equatorial Guinea, 194.
30
b<'<-'11
the N1gcn:m government was aware (from 1828 onwards) that its citi7.ens had
migrating illegally to Spanish Fernando Po to work in plantations. 72 Relations between Nigeria and Fernando Po before the outbreak of World War ll
had not been cordial because of Great Britain's opposition to Spanish illegal recruitment of Nigerian laborers, particularly the recruitment of people from southeastern Nigeria. The British-Nigerian relationship with Spanish Fernando Po started to experience even more serious damage during the outbreak of World War II. This was because Britain believed that, due to connections between Germany and Spain, Spanish territories such as Fernando Po had come under Nazi power. Osuntokun observes: The pro-German attitude of Spain and consequently of Fernando Po complicated relations with Nigeria during the war, and eventually led to a flurry of exchanges between Governor-General Angel Barrera and Sir Frederick Lugard, as well as between the foreign ministers of Britain and Spain, over the suspicious moves of a Spanish vessel between Fernando Po and Calabar. 73 During the war, Germany used Fernando Po to run a powerful shortwave radio station to transmit information to their soldiers who were scattered all over the southern Atlantic. The aggressive attitude of Spanish authorities on the island ofFernando Po against the Allied military operation in Cameroon resulted in regular communication between Lagos and London, and between London, Paris, and Madrid. Also, "Fuehrer," whose official name was reported as Joseph Worner, was a leader for the German
72
Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 7,16. Osuntokun, Anglo-Spanish relations in West Africa during the First World War. Journal ofthe Historicial Society of Nigeria VII, 2(1974 June) 294-295. Cited in Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A. B Ed, 5. 73
31
National
Sonahsl Workers Party in Fernando Po. 74 Thus, it was clear to Britain that
Fernando Po was in the hands of an antagonistic power (Spain). which was a thorn in the side of the British government. 75 Britain therefore feared that Fernando Po would be used as a base from which the Axis Powers might attack them. During this same period, the British authorities started to study Spanish labor migration. This resulted in the Nigerian government sending an administrative officer to Fernando Po to investigate labor conditions on the island and to cooperate with the Spanish authorities' measure, which would ensure the welfare ofNigerian laborers. 76 This diplomatic mission established the ground for the Anglo-Spanish labor agreement. The Nigerian relationship with Fernando Po's labor agreement was negotiated in order to re-establish Spain's relations with Great Britain. The global interests of Great Britain also contributed to this negotiation. 77 The British were prepared to attack Fernando Po if Spain refused to negotiate with them. The British Admiralty remarked that it would not be a difficult matter for the naval patrol to invade Fernando Po since the number of troops on the island was only 200. In respect to this statement, on July 6, 1940, the British Naval Commander of the south Atlantic commanded the H.M.S. Dragon to advance and to vacate every British national with the exclusion of the Vice-consul. 78 The Spanish government was not notified before the action of the British Naval Commander, but Spanish authorities decided to augment the defense of the island with 8,500 Moroccan and Spanish troops to 74 See Regional Archive of Nigeria (hereafter RAC583/240 W.A.F.F: Report for half year ending, 31 Dec., 1938. 75 Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 7. 76 See National Archive of Nigeria (hereafter NAE) Nigeria Sessional Paper No.38 of 1939. 77 Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 16-17. 78 See Regional Archive of Nigeria (hereafter RAC) 371/24526: Cypher telegram from Governor of Nigeria to S ofS for the colonies. 9 July, 1940.
32
li.lrti fy
200
local ri flcs. 79 In spite of the war, the British went further to negotiate a labor
agreement with the Spanish concerning Nigeria and Fernando Po from
1940-1942
in
order to boycott illegal trafficking of labor. The British authorities emphasized that: The object of these negotiations with the Spanish government was to regularize what had become a large scale traffic in laborers and to endeavor to eliminate the unscrupulous native 'black birder' who earned a lucrative livelihood by kidnapping the ignorant peasants from the Ibo and Ibibio areas ... 80 The agreement was signed in 1942 between Spain and British authorities for Nigeria and Fernando Po. The agreement
81
stipulated the supply of manpower. The
duration was one year for unmarried men and two years for married men who migrated with their wives, but the unmarried men had to return to Nigeria when their contracts ended. It was stipulated that each laborer must not be less than eighteen years old. The contract would be signed in Nigeria in front of a labor officer and would include passport photographs that would be kept in Calabar and Sante Isabel. The laborer had to be medically examined by a Nigerian government doctor before embarkation, and medical attention was required to be provided while the laborers remained in Fernando Po. These laborers were to work in plantations, industry, and forestry on any Spanish colony. The labor agreement also stipulated that the wages were to be paid regularly to the laborers with a minimum monthly payment ofthirty-five pesetas (about 15s 9d),
82
which is equivalent to just under or equal to $1 today. The agreement stipulated the provision of housing for laborers and also the provision of food such as 600 grams of 79
See Regional Archive of Nigeria (hereafter RAC) 371/34771: 22 Jan, 1943. See National Archive of Nigeria (hereafter NAE) 657/54: Annual Report of the Department of Labor for the year 1944. 81 Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A.B Ed, 6. 81 See NAN (hereafter NAE) Nigeria Sessional Paper No.2! of 1946. 80
33
riel', 200
fruits
!!rams or lish,
65
grams of palm oil, and
20
grams of salt per week. \n addition,
and vegetables were provided every day.KJ Article
12
of the treaty recognized the
fundamental rights of each worker, particularly the right to freedom of worship. The agreement stipulated that 250 Nigerians laborers would be recruited every month.s 4 This Anglo-Spanish agreement was in force from 1942-1950 without any amendment, and it failed to stop illegal migration or to protect the rights of laborers. ln the words of Osuntokun, "the lack of revision should not be construed as Spanish acquiescence in terms of the agreement, for there were constant protests against violation and breaches of the individual labor contracts." The amendment of the agreement in 1950 revised the compromise to recruit from the British Firm of John Holt in Nigeria and Company Ltd., as well as from the Anglo-Spanish Employment Agency. This amended labor agreement provided a clause to repatriate all illegally recruited laborers back to Nigeria. There was also a section in the amended agreement that made the working conditions of the laborers compatible with the principles of the International Labor Organization. Osuntokun argues that: This in fact was a clear indication that the Spaniards, who used at one time to "kidnap" people and take them to Fernando Po, were quite contented with the available manpower on the island and trying to avoid any cause for 85 friction with the Nigerian authorities.
A delegate named ChiefS. L. Akintola, the Central Minister ofLabor, visited Fernando Po in 1953
as the returning migrants were protesting against allegedly ill
treatment of Nigerian laborers. The Honorable Minister reported that there was no
83
84
85
Akinyemi, "Nigeria and Fernando Po, 1958-1966: The Politics oflrridentism." See NAN. Nigeria Sessional Paper No.2! of 1946. Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A. B Ed, 6.
34
c1·idencc or •II treatment of laborers in Spanish Fernando Po despite the high number of
complaints that indicated labor abuse was a problem. The Central Minister of Labor was able to advise that the wages of the laborers be increased and that social and educational amenities for the laborers and their children be improved. This involved the stipulation of educational and religious amenities. The Minister suggested that the register of all the Nigerian laborers in Fernando Po be kept safe. All these suggestions were included in the amended accord of 1954. 86 One possible reason for Akintola's actions is that Akinto1a was struggling to achieve a position of power from Britain. During this time, Britain was unwilling to acknowledge any claims of labor abuse due to the capitation fee of five pounds sterling they received on each laborer in Fernando Po (see paragraph below). Akintola might have denied the claims of labor abuse in order to support the British stance on migration and thereby support his case for power. ChiefF.S. Okotieboh headed a delegation to Fernando Po on the request of Spanish authorities in 1956. The visit provided an agreement of an increase in recruitments up to 800 laborers per month to work in the plantations sector and earned a twenty-five percent rise in salary for the Nigerian laborers. Also, the Spanish authorities paid the Nigerian government a capitation fee of five pounds sterling for each Nigerian laborer working in Fernando Po. The Federal and Eastern regional governments shared this money in place of the workers' taxes. Osuntokun argues that "the acceptance of this capitation fee by the Federal and Eastern regional government in a way made the Nigerian government an accomplice in the degradation of Nigerian laborers in Fernando Po since it was a big business for government to keep Nigerian labor in Fernando Po no 80
Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19Tfl C, 27-28.
35
1n:lllcr
7
what the situation there was.··~ This shows that the Nigerian government
encouraged the condition of the Nigerian laborers by allowing recruitment of laborers ror the
sake of money. Another group of investigators was sent in 1957 to visit Fernando Po. These
investigators were led by J.M. Johnson, the federal Minister of Affairs, Labor and Welfare. and representatives from other groups, including the Eastern Nigerian Minister of information, the National Council for Nigeria, Cameroon's house of representative member for Owerri, and the Action Group member for Uyo in the Eastern House of Assembly. The report of these investigators contained both good and bad reports from the island of Fernando Po. They pointed out that the Spanish regime on the island had provided primary school for the children of Nigerian laborers and also had established an orphanage for Nigerian children. However, the delegates did not give a full, clear, detailed description of the conditions in the primary schools or the orphanage. Instead, Johnson and the other delegates focused on the general positive aspects. The delegates also reported that some good housing was built for the laborers; for example, a large room was built for married couples or two bachelors with electricity, a swimming-pool, fresh water, and cottage hospital. However, in some bad housing, eight bachelors or three married couples shared ·an eight feet by ten feet room. According to the report of the investigators, there was information on the labor abuses on plantations, but the report was mixed. They also said that some workers and their spouses protested that they had been beaten and ill-treated. Some days, the hours of work were from six in the morning to six in the evening without a break. The delegates
87
Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 28-29.
36
aJs,,
reported that sick laborers who needed medical service had their medical bills
subtracted from their wages depending on the length of their sickness. They reported that. ,i<;spite the fact that Article 25 of the 1942 agreement listed that some foodstuffs were to be given to the laborers, only those in the good housing received them, while those in the bad housing were deprived of these foodstuffs. Even though the results of the investigation were mixed, the investigators' report absolved the Spanish authorities of blame in cases of labor abuse. It was said that the Spanish government had sought to punish its nationals who had violated terms of the labor agreement. The delegates recommended that more labor officers be stationed on the island. Akinyemi argues that "critics in Nigeria ignored the favorable aspects of the report and focused on the malpractices cited in it." The Nigerian Trades Union Congress headed by Mr Borha suggested that the Nigerian authorities should appoint a permanent commission on the island to make sure that the provisions of all the agreements would be implemented in coming years. On the other hand, Chief Awolowo, the political secretary, condemned the Federal and Eastern governments for allowing recruitment of their citizens for purposes of labor under the circumstances of the reports of 1957 headed by J. Johnson. The Government Chief Whip in the Eastern House of Assembly, M.E. Ogon, advised the Federal Government of Nigeria to launch a protest against the inhuman treatment of its citizens in Spanish Fernando Po. In spite of serious and continuing complaints, the Nigerian government signed an additional agreement with Spain on the basis of recruiting 2,000 additional laborers for the duration of three months.
88
Akinyemi, "Nigeria and Fernando Po, 1958-1966: The Politics oflrridentism."
37
88
The
Anglo-Spanish agreement triggered thousands of laborers from southeastern
Nigeria to work in different plantations in Spanish Fernando Po. During the negotiation, 10.000 Nigerians were already in Fernando Po. It was estimated that, by 1954-1955, the total number of Nigerian migrants on the island of Spanish Fernando Po was about 15,800. The mid-1960s recorded approximately 85,000; people from lgbo, lbibio, and Efik comprised two-thirds of this population. The outflow ofNigerians to Fernando Po
was the result of Spanish officials paying their recruiters substantially, because the substantial wages paid motivated the recruiters to work hard in terms of the labor propaganda; the labor advertising, in turn, led to higher numbers of people who migrated. There were other reasons, such as the pressure to pay taxes in Nigeria, which forced people to migrate to Spanish Fernando Po. Demographic pressure also contributed to this outflow. Particularly, labor came from the most densely populated areas of the Eastern Region. 89 In 1961, the local militia, known as the Juventuds, shot four Nigerian laborers in Rio Muni, what is now part of Equatorial Guinea along with Fernando Po. The Federal government immediately launched a protest against Spain. A delegation was sent to investigate the incident, and further reference was made to the 1956 labor agreement, which stated that compensation would be paid to the employed laborers or their families for any seriously injured worker. The visit led to the amelioration of poor labor conditions on the island, the elimination of the pass law which made it mandatory for the laborers to carry a pass while moving around on the island, the abolition of long custody
89 I.K.Sundiata, Equatorial Guinea: Colonialism, State Terror, and the Search for Stability. (Boulder, San Francisco, & Oxford: Westview Press, 1990), 47.
38
without trial for Nigerian offenders, and an agreement to pay compensation in cases of pe(111
anent disability. After signing the amendment to the Anglo-Spanish agreement with the Spanish
authorities in 19 63 • the Nigerian government cautioned its critics that "further criticisms of fernando Po were in fact counter-productive, in the sense lthat1 constant emphasis on .-. ct that Nigerians outnumbered the indigenous Bubi one to five was alienatmg the the la . g of the indigenous people and bringing them mto physical friction with fee I Jn . ns ,90 The outbreak of Nigerian Civil War in 1967 prevented the revision of the ]'ligena ·
J963 agr
eement which was due to be amended in 1966. However, by October 1968.
'
do Po and Rio Muni became the independent Republic: of Equatorial Guinea. They Fernan r.
were 1ree
Nguema.
from the Spaniah authorities and elected their f\R\ President. franc:i&CO Macias
CHAPTER III \VAGE. LIVING AND WORKING CONDITIONS ON THE PLANTATIONS From 1875- I 880,
the palm oil trade was the chief foundation for the economy of
the island of Fernando Po. The palm oil fruits that the Bubis, the indigenous group, cultivated on the farms were sold to the middlemen. The middlemen were mainly Europeans and Creole from Sierra Leone. 91 Some of these Creole claimed to have Nigerian ancestry that linked them to the lgbos. This was because the Creole on the island were free released slaves that had been captured by Britain in different parts of west Africa during the slave trade-lgboland was one of the areas in west Africa from which these free Creoles had been captured. These Creoles had a direct impact on the migration of Nigerians due to the fact that the Creole invested in and promoted agricultural development in Fernando Po that eventually required large amounts of workers. The Creole investment in and promotion of agricultural development led Spain to take economic interests in the island. According to W.G Clarence-Smith, "Social discrimination against Creole and Bubi was oflittle significance ... the beneficiaries of land transfers were black as well as white, and a map from around 1913 shows a roughly even mix of Spanish and Creole landowners. Black and white planters were united in every aspect of labor which involved relations with the authorities." 92 The Spanish government first showed their interests in Fernando Po with the introduction of cocoa, which resulted in a shift from trade to plantation agriculture. Cocoa was brought from Brazil to Sao Tome in 1822, and it was introduced on Spanish 91
Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A.B Ed, 2. W. G. Clarence-Smith, "African and European Cocoa Producers on Fernando Po, 1880-1910." The Joumal of African History 35, no.2 (1994): 179-199 92
40
Fc·mando Po tlm1y-two years later.q 3 People who had profited from the palm oil trade inn:stcd their capital in cocoa. as they hoped for greater gain in the future. The Englishmen and Lynslager. a British businessman of Dutch origin, encouraged the planting of cocoa on a commercial scale. 94 European capital flowed into the burgeoning cocoa industry to such an extent that Fernando Po's economy and society increasingly became by-products of the cocoa tree.
95
The colonial land policy totally controlled African property rights. It also joined with intensive missionary Hispanicization of Africans to promote agricultural
cooperatives and the quest for emancipado status. Emancipados could own freehold land and/or become leading members of cooperatives. 96 The colonial regime found it so difficult to take interest in connecting the capital with other centers of settlement that the San Carlos, for example, had to take their produce to Santa Isabel by sea because there were no good roads. 97 As the acreage under cocoa grew, cocoa production surpassed palm oil production on the island. For instance, "in 1900 the island exported 1,152 tons of cocoa, 33 tons of palm oil and 16 tons of coffee. Twelve years later, 3,994 tons o(.cocoa accounted for 97 98
per cent of Fernando Po's exports by value." However, the island Jacked the manpower needed for farming. In order to obtain the essential labor, Spain claimed the northwest
93
Sundiata, "Prelude to Scandal: Liberia and Fernando Po." Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, I. 95 Sundiata, "Prelude to Scandal: Liberia and Fernando Po." 96 Sundiate, Equatorial Guinea, 49. 97 Sundiata, "Prelude to Scandal: Liberia and Fernando Po." 98 Clarence-Smith, "African and European Cocoa Producers."
94
41
,,,mer or French Gabon. Part of the mainland area, known as Rio-Muni, did not have
C!H'll!!h labor. Consequently. the Treaty of Paris ceded Rio Muni to Spain in 1900.
99
By the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, there was a population decline in Bubi, the native people of Fernando Po; this was a result of venereal disease and social displacement. This led to the use of corvee labor and direct taxation, but these expedients only provoked the demographic and social crisis in the native population_l
00
Furthermore, "in 1903 the colonial administration sought to solve the problem of illegal migration by imposing a system of forced labor." 101 Fernando Po was forced to look to the mainland for its labor supply at a time when other colonies, particularly British colonies, were in search of scarce labor resources within the colonial borders.
102
At first, Liberians were recruited, and later, Nigerians, particularly people from southeastern Nigeria were brought in to harvest the cocoa on the island. 103 The people from southeastern Nigeria conceded to migrate to Fernando Po because Fernando Po was closer to southeastern Nigeria than other areas where they might have obtained work to pay for British taxes. The manner in which the plantation workers were brought to and employed on Fernando Po eventually caused controversy. According to R. Uwehue, ''the conditions in which Liberians were shipped by force for such labour led to an international scandal in 1930. Later, Cameroonians and especially Nigerians were
99 Fegley Randall, "The U.N Human Rights Commission: The Equatorial Guinea Case." Human Right Quarterly 3, no.l (1981, Feb): 34-47. 100 Sundiata, "Prelude to Scandal: Liberia and Fernando Po." 101 1. Marchal, Chronique d' un cercle de l'AOF: Ouahigouga (Haute-Volta), 1880-194l(Paris: L'ORSTOM, 1980) and S. Coulibaly, "Colonialisme et migration en Haute Volta (1896-1946)." In Demographic et sous-developrnent dans le Tiers-Monde, ed. D. Gauvreau, J.W. Gregory, M. Kernpeneers, & V. Piche. 73-110 (Montreal: McMill University, Centre for Development Area Studies, 1986). Cited in Cordell, Gregory, & Piche. Hoe and Wage, 63. 102 Sundiata, "Prelude to Scandal: Liberia and Fernando Po." 103 Fegley Randall, "The U.N Human Rights Commission: The Equatorial Guinea Case."
42
cmpi<'YL'd.
sttll
111
had condition. with brutality and low pay.'' 104 The important point is
that lahor conditions on the island of Spanish Fernando Po made the service discouraging and unattractive to Nigerians who were jobless. As demonstrated by Osuntokun, "the Spanish authorities knew that Nigeria was the last obvious source of foreign labour and they were not prepared to fail, [since] failure would mean the loss of 12,000 tons of cocoa and 3.000 tons of coffee exported annually from Fernando Po to Spain." 105 Despite the fact that the work appeared discouraging, the Spanish administration succeeded in recruiting laborers from neighboring countries, particularly people from southeastern Nigeria, to work in several plantations in Spanish Fernando Po for a wage. The Spanish authorities were able to achieve this because there was a high population who were jobless and also because the Anglo-Spanish agreement triggered a higher rate of migration. The migrants from southeastern Nigeria were regulated by the labor code of 1906, which was the only labor code that attempted to normalize the conditions of laborers before World War II. The labor code was recognized as the Nature Labor Code, or
Reglamento del Trabaja Indigena, which began as a temporary code but which was kept on the statute record book until 1940. The labor code stipulated a contract of one year's labor at minimum wage and also renewed the legislation that kept half of the wage with the laborer office at Calabar in Nigeria. The code had a provision that excluded nursing mothers and children from heavy work. It also provided provisions for free rations and housing for laborers. The labor code stipulated the duration of hours of work for men as ten hours and for women as eight hours daily. The code prevented laborers from leaving 104 105
Uwehue. African Today, 873 See F.0.371/26908. Cited in Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 10.
43
th,· pLmtalloH>- cxn:pt put '"'''
wtth written pem1ission. 106 Perhaps this stipulation of the code was
place because the Spanish authorities did not want the laborers to skip out of
The labor code was applied to the aliens who had come to Fernando Po prior to the
Nigerian migration, but it also was applied to the Bubi population of the island. In
1907. the indigenous population of "Bubi refused forced labor in the plantations." 107 This
decision led to a scarcity of laborers in 1908. The Spanish authorities then required the Bubis who did not own one hectare of land to enter provisional contract in order to solve the labor problem. The option was forty days hard labor, and these requirements were so cruelly enforced that, by 1910, the allegedly docile Bubi of the Balache district revolted. In addition, the African planters were not obeying the laws of the Nature Labor Code. The Spanish regime in 1915 stressed that the planters were not satisfying their side of the labor agreement, particularly "the aspect that enjoined on them to pay half the wage of each laborer to the labor officer as savings." The Spanish regime in 1929 was annoyed with some planters who made the island_seem inhospitable to outsiders by mistreating laborers. Because of this, they started to enforce heavy fines for illegal actions such as beating. Even after the liberalization of the regime in 1937, the Spanish still failed to pay compensation for the injured laborers. The properties that the departed laborers had had previous to migration were forfeited to the colonial authorities, and there was a lack of interest in work among the laborers. The conditions were so seriously burdened in
106 Osuntokun, Nigeria-Femando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 10 -II & Sundiate, From Slaving to Neo-slave1y, 134. 107 Max Liniger-Goumaz, Historical Dictionary of Equatorial Guinea, 65.
44
~UJ'!'<'rt c>f the
he
planters that .. if a laborer declined to accept the contract placed before him.
could be treated under the existing Spanish laws as a rogue and a vagabond, offences
punishable by transportation to a plantation for hard work." In fact, the Spanish authorities were not treating their own subjects in Fernando Po better than the foreigners who came as contract Iaborers. 108 Eighteen out of the twenty-one respondents point out that the majority of the Nigerian contract laborers migrated having in mind that they would be able to work in a factory or in another more lucrative job. However, the migrants found themselves working in plantations because the jobs that contributed to the reason why they migrated didn't exist. Some migrants knew that conditions were harsh due to the fact that they heard of conditions from others who already had migrated. These people still migrated, however, because there was such enormous pressure to pay the British tax. Furthermore, the nature of the people of southeastern Nigeria, particularly the lgbo, is to believe based on their own experience; even if the people had heard bad reports from others, they would not have believed those reports until they experienced the conditions for themselves. All twenty-one of the respondents report that there were various plantations in Spanish Fernando Po, such as cocoa, banana, rubber, coffee, and timber plantations. However, the plantations were under the control of the Spanish authorities. All of the male respondents say that these plantations were individual- and group-owned by some Spanish and African migrants from Sierra Leone, etc. For instance, two of the respondents, Cletus and Longinus, point out that a plantation like Afredo Farm was
108
Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, II.
45
,,wm-d by
Afrcdo Honest_ one of the men in charge of recruiting Nigerians going to
F<:mando Po. Aria go Fann was owned by Richardo Punche and was one of the biggest single
(non-group) plantations in Spanish Fernando Po, with laborers mainly from
southeastern Nigeria. 10" One of the respondents, Christian, adds that Ariago Fann was between
19
to
21
acres of land. 110
The twenty-one respondents assert that the experiences and living/working conditions of the Nigerian migrants were the same regardless of the type or size of plantation on which the migrants worked. Furthermore, all twenty-one respondents report that the laborers were paid monthly wages, but that these monthly wages were not paid regularly. The respondents also point out that the wages that were paid were not enough to take care of their needs. The wages were being paid based on the type of work one was
doing. Additionally, there was a difference in the wage amounts paid. For instance, Cletus, Sunday, Israel and Damian, who worked in a cocoa plantation, claim that they were paid five pesetas; Mathias and Ihejieto, who worked in a cocoa plantation, claim that they were paid ten pesetas; and others who were also working in cocoa and coffee plantations claim that they earned between 15 and 18 pesetas. All twenty-one respondents report that the wages were divided into two. Half of the wages would be paid to laborers, and the other half would be kept at Calabar for the laborers by the Spanish government. They point out that the part of the wages kept by the Spanish government at Calabar was to be paid to the laborers at the expiration of the contract in Nigeria. They say that, in addition to the wages that they were being paid, the Spanish authorities provided them with food items on a weekly basis. These included 109 11
Cletus & Longinus, interview by Anthony Oham, December 31, 2005 & January 2, 2006.
°Christian, interview by Anthony Oham, April I0, 2004. 46
rice. !ish. plantain. cocoa yarn, and palm oil. The wives of the married laborers prepared these foods, while unmarried men prepared the food on their own. 111 One of the respondents, Grace, claims that the living conditions of the period were very good because food was available and provided by the Spanish govemment.
112
However, Sunday and fifteen other respondents argue that the conditions were bad because one lived on only what the Spanish government provided and also because the wages earned were too small to meet basic needs. The laborers could not afford anything or send money to their relatives at home in the way they had hoped to do. 113 All twenty-one respondents report that there were accommodation problems on the plantations of Spanish Fernando Po. On the arrival day on the island, every person recruited in Nigeria would lodge in a camp before the recruiters would look for accommodations for everyone. The houses had electricity, but they were of poor quality and made with clay. The respondents all claim that they were very overcrowded in the houses given to them. They state that there were three families crowded into a single room with their children, while the unmarried were living five to a room. This single room was their sleeping I cooking place. They also claim that the houses were poorly built, and that the sticky, humid air could not escape. The houses were back to back with only one outlet and also had no yard, toilet, good drinking water, or receptacle for refuse. All twenty-one respondents report that the standard of water supply on the plantations remained poor. The types of water were the communal standpipes and pond 111
It is not possible at this time to represent a ratio of marital status on the plantations because no records were kept that give an accurate representation of the ratio. Furthermore, the situation is further complicated by the fact that there were also illegal migrants in addition to those who migrated under the labor conn;cts. I intend ~o research this further in my Ph.D work. Grace, mterv1ew by Anthony Oham, January 2, 2006. 113 Sunday, interview by Anthony Oham, April 8, 2004. 47
water. hut these were not pure for drinking. However, everyone drank from the pipe water because there were no alternative means of getting good drinking water. They repon that the poor quality of water resulted in plantation communities suffering a high rate of water-related diseases such as cholera. One of the respondents, Israel, adds that the Spanish authorities were unconcerned with safeguarding the public health of the plantation communities. There were no proper toilet facilities, nor was there a drainage or sewage system. The toilet provided was a public toilet that every laborer used, and the Spanish authorities took no precautions or effort to keep it in good repair. Eighteen out of the twenty-one respondents report that the plantation owners were hostile and brutal. They claim that they were badly treated and that_they labored as slaves in the plantations. The laborers were identified by a pass worn around the neck. The labor code was also ignored. For instance, the eighteen respondents claim that they were forced to work from six in the morning to six in the evening with only a little food in their stomachs. This was done despite the fact that the labor code stipulated that men could work only ten hours per day and that women could work only eight hours per day. Eighteen out of the twenty-one respondents claim that a Capertise, or Headman, was in charge of the plantations. There were both white Capterises from Spain and black Capertises from Nigeria, Fernando Po, and other parts of Africa in which people were recruited to work on the plantations. One of the respondents, Israel, points out that the Capertise usually insisted that every laborer finish his own portion of work given to him each day; the laborer would be punished severely if he did not complete his job. As a result of this, some people died due to lack of strength, and those who lacked the strength
48
l<'
n'ntinue were beaten by the Capertise. 114 One of the respondents, Sylvanus, claims
that
any laborer who did not finish his own portion of work at the time designated by the
Capertise would be beaten and locked up in jail, where the police would torture them_l 15 Furthem10re. the eighteen respondents claim that there was a supervisor (only from Spain) who oversaw all work in the plantation. These supervisors had the power to expel both the Capertises and the laborers. Loise, one of the respondents, reports that, because of the work and experiences on the plantations, some men who did not have the strength to work in the plantations stopped going to work and sent their wives to "New-Bill,' a public square for prostitution. The prostitution enabled the family to survive, because once a laborer stopped going to work, the Spanish government would stop providing some food items as was stipulated in the labor agreement. 116 Fabian, one of the respondents, claims that many women were arrested for prostitution because the Spanish authorities were ordered to arrest any woman who indulged in the act. 117 Women could engage in prostitution because they were not being recruited for work on the plantations. All twenty-one respondents claim that there were no women who worked on the plantations. Christian and Israel, two of the respondents, state that it was only during the harvest of cocoa in August that some of the women helped their husbands on the plantations. This was because the harvest of cocoa took more time to complete and also because each laborer was required to finish the amount of work given to him. Additionally, the society viewed woinen largely as individuals who had to care 114
lsrael Sylvanus Loise, interview by Anthony Oham, December 30, 2005. 117 Fabian
115
116
49
l(,r the
home and for others. Thus. rather than working in the plantations, the women who
mi!,.>ratcd worked mainly in traditional women's roles as cooks, stewards, and cleaners for Spanish authorities. 118 These jobs probably required fewer hours of work than the jobs on plantations due to the fact that women were expected to take time for their traditional family responsibilities in addition to other responsibilities. This, when combined with the fact that the Anglo-Spanish Employment Agency did not consider women to be strong enough for the jobs in the plantations, might explain why the labor code allowed women to work fewer hours than men. All twenty-one respondents point out that the circumstances that surrounded the Nigerian laborers made the Igbos remember that they were one tribe with one origin. This made the Igbos love themselves, move together, and help one another, which later resulted in a solidarity union that integrated all the lgbo laborers in Fernando Po with a king known as "Eze Ndi lgbo." One of the respondents, Israel, mentions that the king, Eze ndi lgbo, was their spokesman. Any time an incident of labor abuse in plantations occurred, the laborers that were involved would come and inform Eze ndi lgbo. This was because the laborers did not have freedom of speech. Thus, Eze ndi Igbo would go and make a complaint to the Spanish supervisor. The important fact according to Israel was that the union was active, but that, since it was operating in a strange or foreign land, its power was very limited.
119
The twenty-one respondents claim that, despite the efforts
made by Eze ndi lgbo to stop labor abuse on plantations, the abuse continued until some Nigerian laborers were shot in Spanish Fernando Po, which attracted the attention of the Nigerian government. 118 119
Christian & Israel Israel
50
Accordmg to Mathias. the respondent, delegates of the Nigerian government came w Spanish Fernando Po and instructed the laborers that, in the case of any beating,
flogging. or punishment in plantations or any place by the Spanish authorities, they should fight back. Thus, if the information about a crime of self-defense got to the Nigerian government, the Nigerian government would demand the custody of the accused laborer from the Spanish government, so that the Nigerian government would judge and punish the person. 120 One of the respondents, Cletus, adds that the Nigerian delegates just were pretending that they would prosecute the offenders in Nigeria and that the Nigerian government would free the offenders. The Nigerian government probably did this in order to facilitate the return of the laborers to Nigeria from Fernando Po, because the government was aware that there was mistreatment by Spanish authorities towards Nigerian laborers. 121
All twenty-one respondents claim that health conditions were very poor on many plantations regardless of what crop was being grown, particularly where the laborers were crowded in barracks for sleeping and exposed to malaria, smallpox, and cold. One of the respondents, Loise, reports that she and her family lost their baby because of the cold. The exposure to cold that resulted in the death of the baby was a result of the poor quality house where they were living.
122
Despite the housing problems that faced the laborers, the twenty-one respondents all claim that the Spanish regime showed some concern about the laborers' health by building hospitals and health centers. Missionaries controlled these hospitals and health
120
Mathias, interview by Anthony Oham, April 2, 2004. Cletus, interview by Anthony Oham, December 31, 2005. 122 Loise
121
51
cc·nt.:..-s.
Qualified Spanish doctors treated the migrants. and plantation owners paid the
n-atmcnt bills. They claim that the laborers were allowed to go for health checkups.
1
According to Sundiata, After 1945, once rampant diseases declined in importance, although new ones took their place. Trypanosomiasis was practically eliminated. Whereas at one time forty-three percent of the populace had been listed as infected, by the end of the I 940s the rate was one case per 4000. Mortality from smallpox and yellow fever declined. Unfortunately, malaria, gonorrhea and syphilis remained significant health problems. 123 Sundiata supports the idea that efforts were made in order to alleviate the problem of diseases. However, most migrants did not have access to good medical care that would treat and educate them regarding sexually transmitted diseases. In addition, the abuse of labor in the plantations resulted in prostitution, as described previously in this chapter. Some of the laborers resorted to sending their wives to prostitute because they did not have access to adequate wages and because they were not able to live comfortably in their homes. The prostitution was seen as a way to better their living conditions and the homes in which they lived, as well as a way by which to better their family back home by sending money. Furthermore, the fact that laborers were largely uneducated and illiterate meant that they could not easily gain information for themselves about the health risks involved with sexually transmitted diseases. Because of this, prostitution continued, which, in tum, caused gonorrhea and syphilis to remain a problem in plantations in Spanish Fernando Po. One of the biggest obstacles to social improvement on plantations was the continuing illiteracy of workers. One of the respondents, Christian, reports that only a 123
Sundiata, From Slaving to Neo-slavery, 182.
52
t<-·w
L'r !he migrants were in school before the job opportunities in Fernando Po came.
These five
migrants abandoned their education with no certificate in order to migrate. Eight-
percent of the population that migrated was illiterate. 124 Using the total estimated
population listed previously in Table 1 (148,200), this means that 125,970 people who migrated or who worked on plantations were illiterate. No secondary source regarding Nigerian literacy during the migration period was available to me at the time of this study that supported the claims of the migrants. However, one website states that "only a tiny fraction of the colonial population was able to attend even the elementary school[s]" set up by the British. 125 This most likely had a large impact on the illiteracy rate. Not only did illiteracy conditions affect the educational performance of laborers' children, but inferior educational facilities and the attitude of the Spanish authorities toward migrants' education made social mobility through education difficult. All of the twenty-one report that the Spanish authorities were not concerned with the education of the migrants' children; rather, they were interested in obtaining child labor. The migrants' children thus were forced to do some minor work in the plantations. Ten of the twenty-one respondents claim that, after the visit of one of the Nigerian delegates, Akintola, in 1953, the Spanish started to look into the educational welfare of these children, which resulted in the construction of a school. Also, Nigerian teachers were employed to teach the children. One of the respondents, Udochukwu, reports that, "despite the provision of education for these children, the Spanish authorities were not concerned with equipping or improving the school. Rather, they were interested in
124
Christian The website, available at http://classweb.gmu.edu/chauss/cponline/nigeria.htrn, did not list any bibliographical data in terms of author, date of publication, or publisher. 125
53
,·,pl,,iting
th~
manpower and the resources in order to maximize profit." This is
>lll'l'''rtl'd by the fact that the school lacked proper classrooms, desks, chairs, toilets,
lihrarics. and playground. Furthermore, the school was the poorest school in the entire education system. and it lacked the preparation for higher school. Eight of the twenty-one respondents report that, as soon as the Spanish authorities handed over power to Macias in 1968, there was another phase of problems for the Nigerian laborers. They point out that Macias' regime gave rise to economic hardship that caused many Nigerians to leave Fernando Po. For example, the government stopped Nigeria's laborers from moving around within Fernando Po. Udochukwu, one of the respondents, reports that Macias stopped children from working on plantations and punished parents that were taking their children to work.
126
The eight respondents report that the government endorsed discrimination based on ethnicity by not preventing it. This discrimination resulted in many Nigerian laborers losing their lives in Spanish Fernando Po through shootings. Three of the respondents, Loise, Damian, and Valentine, report that four Nigerians were killed during the early period of the regime of Macias, which made some ofthe Nigerian laborers travel back to Nigeria for the safety of their lives. 127 Israel, the respondent, states that policemen flogged and beat the Nigerian migrants with ropes known as "talk truths," and that the police did not like to see the Nigerian "braseros," or laborers, despite the fact that most of the Nigerian laborers worked and did not engage in stealing. By contrast, the Bubis did not like going to work;
126
Udochukwu Loise, Damian & Valentine, interview by Anthony Oham, December 30, 2005, April 18, 20QL "December 31, 2005. 127
54
rathn they would indulge in stealing. The police would arrest the Nigerian laborers instead of the Bubis even though the Nigerian laborers were not committing any oiTcnse.
12
~
This probably occurred due to the fact that the Bubis were the native people of
the area and because the Nigerian laborers were foreigners. The population of Nigerians had become higher than the population ofBubis as a result of migration, and this caused
friction between the two groups because the Bubis believed that the Nigerian laborers were taking away their jobs. The native police did not want the foreigners in the area and thus took action against them even when the Nigerian laborers had not committed a crime. Finally, all twenty-one respondents also report that the regime of Macias promulgated a law that repatriated thousands of Nigerian laborers home to start life again. One of the respondents, Timothy, adds that some of the migrants who married the indigenous Bubi women remained in Fernando Po. 129 As demonstrated by J.M. Lipski: The Nigerians remained on Fernando Po until the first years of the postcolonial regime, when the Macias government ordered the expulsion or extermination of most foreigner workers. The linguistic traces of such a massive number of Nigerians, who preferred using Pidgin English rather than Nigerian languages as a lingua franca, remain in Malabo and even in the rural areas, where Bubis had daily contact with Nigerians. 130 Meanwhile, the migrants who settled in Fernando Po as a result of marrying Bubi women were hiding from the regime of Macias. Israel, one of the respondents, reports
that families, relatives, and friends saw the migrants who married Bubi women and who
settled in the island as "griho." This simply means that those people were carried away by the high life in Fernando Po that existed in the form of women and a\coho\. Because of this, the settled migrants forgot their place of origin.131 These facts support the idea that tl1e desire to have or to support a family and enjoy life may have bad an impact on the migration of Nigerian laborers.
CHAPTER IV
IMPACT ANALYSIS Background for Migration Impact Analysis Labor migration, in one form or another, has been a characteristic of Nigerian society for many years. Nevertheless, the increase in the rate of migration in recent times has been particularly striking. Before the advent of British rule in Nigeria, individuals and groups migrated for the purpose of trade. During the period of colonial rule in Nigeria, the British government wanted to promote the construction of road, railway, bridges, and paying of laborers. Therefore, the British colonial administration introduced nvo innovations that encouraged migration. First, in order to obtain money for the
developments listed above, the British imposed taxation on the local people. The imposition of taxes early in the 1900's developed a need for cash. Secondly, the introduction of forced labor resulted in the movement of males from southeastern Nigeria, their home area, to work on plantations in Spanish Fernando Po. This movement of males was for the people who did not have excess property to exchange for money (pounds) and whose only option thus was to sell their labor. However, migration is often analyzed using Amin's terms of the "push-pull model," which looks at the negative "push factors," which force people to leave their place of origin, and the positive "pull factors," which draw them to the desired destinations.
132
Meanwhile, migration creates both opportunities and risks for the
migrants. At this juncture, I will discuss the impacts of Spanish colonial migration on Nigerian migrants, as well as on the imperial powers. 132 S. Amin, Modern Migration in West Africa (London: O.V.P. 1974), 68-69. Cited in Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 15.
57
Impact on the Migrants Based on the interviews of twenty-one Nigerian labor migrants to Fernando Po, it appears
that the movement of Nigerian migrants to work on several Spanish plantations
under colonialism had negative impacts on both the migrants' place of origin and the migrants themselves. The Nigerian migrants to Fernando Po suffered devastating losses and adverse socio-economic disaster as a result of their migration to the present-day Equatorial Guinea. The models ofMabogunje and Byerlee assert that family structure and society directly influence the decision to migrate. These models are supported by the fact that the communities and family members of the returning migrants viewed the returning migrants as socio-economic failures because the migrants did not achieve their sole aim of migration (sufficient income). They were merely a source of cheap labor to the Spanish authorities, who utilized them in their plantations in Spanish Fernando Po through British labor contracts. A.T. Nzula defines forced labor as "a legal deal in which one party thereto, the black worker, is deprived of all rights, and forced into the bargain by administrative means."
133
The local people had little choice in whether or not they wanted to work
because their need for money by which to pay the British taxes was so great. They were forced to work in several plantations in Fernando Po with the hope of gaining money with which to pay the taxes, but they were given little income in return. Todaro's model asserts that the decision to migrate is influenced by whether or not greater income through work is available in the new location, and the migrants were under the impression that the money to pay taxes would be available if they migrated. Furthermore,
Ill
A.T.Nzula, et al, Forced Labour in Colonial Africa (London: Redwood Bum Ltd, 1979), 82.
58
Rycrlec"s model asserts that migration will be made if the return from migration exceeds the cost of migration. The migrants believed that they would return to their homeland with more money and social status than when they left, thus the migrants believed that the cost of migration would not exceed the return they would gain. By Arthur's assertions, "people move because they sense a need and want to satisfy it. The nature of the need can be economic, social, or psychological. Individuals become candidates for migration when they perceive opportunities for satisfying their needs elsewhere." 134 The migrants believed that migration to Fernando Po would result in economic and social benefits for themselves and for their families, thus they entered into the labor contracts. However, the migrants came back home with little money left in their hands, which was not enough to provide the essential needs of life or to engage in investment. The migrants faced abject poverty, as they could not get the high income that had been their sole aim for migrating. Even today, most of the migrants live simply from hand to mouth and do the same work most of them abandoned in favor of migrating to Spanish Fernando Po. However, one of the respondents, Udochukwu, reports that fanning is not considered important in present-day Nigeria. The Nigerian government has not been interested in large-scale farming since the emergence of the oil boom in the 1970s. Also, the lands are not as fertile they used to be because of constant cultivation. This overuse of the land in southeastern Nigeria is partly the consequence of a shortage of land, which has occurred due to the high population.
135
Thus, the migrants are
dependent on non-commercial farm work for their income and food supply.
114
135
Arthur, "International Labor Migration Pattern in West Africa." Udochukwu
59
.-\s reported
by
Israel. one of the respondents, most of the migrants lost their
propcrtics'hcritagc at home as a result of the migration. Many lost their properties when those properties were forfeited to the Spanish authorities. Others lost their farm and heritage properties when those properties were taken over by other members of the extended family who did not migrate. This has caused crises in kinship ties, loss of life, lengthy court cases, and family breakup. Also, some migrants who migrated with their families lost their properties to strangers who took over because no one was available at home to claim the property rights. 136 One of the respondents, Longinus, adds that some of these migrants were not familiar with their own lands/their father's properties because of their long period of absence. This denied most of the migrants their rights and properties. 137 The returned Nigerian migrants also lost their social status in the place of origin. Udochukwu, Matthew, and Sylvanus, report that, in the Igbo society, people migrate in order to acquire wealth and also to increase their social status in the place of origin. 138 All twenty-one respondents point out that the migrants lost their social status because they did not achieve their sole aims, which were economic well-being and improvement of their standard of living. One of the respondents, Christian, reports that, before most of the migrants could come back to Nigeria, their peers or those who were the same age as the migrants had invested, married, and had children that had occupied high position.
139
By
contrast, after the migrants returned, they had nothing to show for their migration to
136
Isreal Longinus Udochukwu, Matthew & Sylvanus, interview by Anthony Oham, December 20, 31, 2005 & January 2, 2006 139 Christian 137 138
60
Spanish Fcnwndo Po. Because of this, their peers, extended families, communities and friends look down on them. The social impact of migration on the migrants is also shown in the fact that, upon returning to Nigeria, the migrants were deprived of most of the communal rights. In particular, the migrants lost the privilege to speak in any communal gatherings. In local Nigerian communities, the privilege to speak is given to migrants who have obtained wealth, either by migrating within Nigeria or by migrating internationally. This is because the traditional Igbo society believes it is the duty of the migrant to enrich his family members who did not migrate and to represent his community at the place of destination. If the migrant does not succeed, then their social status is reduced in the eye ofthe community as a whole because the lack of success is seen as shameful to the migrant and the family from which the migrant came. The fact that most of migrants' time was spent in the farms limited the capacity of a greater percentage of them to acquire education and skills necessary for them to have access to higher paying jobs within their national boundaries as well as internationally. The best position of employment the returned migrants could get was security guard in some government offices in Nigeria. As demonstrated by Udochukwu, one of the respondents, good education provides the skills and knowledge required to access jobs that are capable of raising people above the poverty line.
140
Since the migrants lack this,
they have continued to live below the poverty line.
All twenty-one respondents report that their children did not have a good education. One of the respondents, Sylvanus, reports that the poor status of education on
140
Udochukwu
61
plantatit'IlS is rctlectcd in low levels of achievement and in high dropout rales. 141 Presently. most of the migrants' children are jobless and are still dependent on their poor parents. A few children of the migrants who are working with their low qualifications haYe acquired jobs of low socio-economic status. Migration also affected the health of those who migrated to Fernando Po. As a matter of fact. Loise, one of the respondents, reports that most of the Nigerian migrants were exposed to health problems that ranged from excessive intake of alcohol to sexually transmitted diseases aggravated by prostitution, and that most of the migrants were infected with one disease or another. 142 One of the respondents, Mathias, adds that this equally has resulted in infertility among some migrants.
143
For instance, Israel, the
respondent, reports that about fifty Nigerian laborers out of seventy or more laborers on the Afredo Honest plantation were affected by gonorrhea and syphilis. 144 On the other hand, according to Loise, the respondent, the migration strengthened them physically, and this is attributable to their long hours working in the plantations. 145 Most of them still look strong and healthy even in their eighties and also still involve themselves in some hard jobs like farm work, which is their primary source of livelihood. Due to the many problems associated with migration, most of the migrants ended up being deprived, frustrated, withdrawn, and depressed, which resulted in sociopsychological problems and disorientation expressed in drunkenness. Most former migrants regret ever migrating to Spanish Fernando Po, especially when they consider
141
Sylvanus Loise Mathias 144 Israel 145 Losie
142 143
62
their present condition because of the wasted years in Spanish Fernando Po. As a result of this.
Sl11llC
migrants discourage their children from migrating. Other migrants, despite
thc:ir experiences in Fernando Po, and despite losses they suffered as a result of the migration. still push their children to migration. Because of their desire for money, they sometimes unknowingly involve their children in child trafficking, slave labor, and prostitution. Despite the negative impacts of migration on the migrants, there were a few positive impacts, as welL Migration resulted in new ways of life; new patterns of thought; a new and large-scale agriculture; new languages, and a new social system among the migrants. Most of the migrants were able to learn the Spanish language and some indigenous languages of Fernando Po, which they use to communicate among themselves. The indigenous languages were Bube, Batanga, and Fernando Po Creole English. Many of the migrants who could not communicate with "Pidgin English" when they were in Nigeria could speak it fluently after their return from Spanish Fernando Po. As demonstrated by Lipski: Equatorial Guinean laborers rarely embodied the juxtaposition of more than two ethnic groups, and when in the present country the indigenous labor force was virtually replaced by nearly 50,000 Nigerians, the latter's lingua franca, pidgin English, rapidly became the most useful vehicle of communication on Fernando Po, continually even past the exodus of the Nigerians. 146
146
Lipski, The Spanish of Equatorial Guinea, 6.
63
!'his
lan_1!uagc hccan1c
a
n1cdiurn through which the migrants communicated with each
hcr. rL·gardlcss of the tribes to which the migrant originally belonged. In addition, the
,, 1
pidgin English bccan1e a means of inter-tribal communication in Nigeria. The migration of Nigerian laborers caused a mixed culture among Nigerian migrants and the indigenous population of Spanish Fernando Po. Grace, one ofthe respondents, reports that there were cultural exchanges between Nigerian migrants and the indigenous people of Fernando Po during the colonial era. Some ofthe food in southeastern Nigeria, such as "mashed plantain mixed with oil," an indigenous food of the Bubis of Spanish Fernando Po, was introduced by Nigerian migrants from Fernando Po. 147 The returned migrants ate this food more because it was affordable; some ofthe non-migrants have started to eat the food as well due to socio-economic hardships in Nigerian society. There were intermarriages between Nigerian migrants and the indigenous people ofFemando Po. Most of the Nigerian migrants during this period married with the indigenous women of Fernando Po and settled down on the island. On the other hand, the Nigerian migrants who migrated as bachelors and came back to Nigeria unmarried are finding it difficult to marry even now. The reason for the difficulty is that the returned migrants do not work in a well-paying job that would provide enough money to carry out traditional rite; without the well-paying job, the traditional rite is too expensive. Most of the migrants who were not Christian before they migrated embraced Christianity. Donatus, one of the respondents, reports that there were some missionaries
who used to visit the island and preach the observance or practice of the teachings of
147
Grace
64
.ksus Christ. particularly which God would take care of their situations. 148 The Annual Report on the Departn1ent of Labor and on the Resettlement of Ex-servicemen of 1945 stated: The workers are allowed freedom of worship as laid down in Article 12 ofthe Treaty. The Rev. F. N. Dodds, one of the General Secretaries of the Methodist Missionary Society who visited Fernando Po from England to inspect the Methodist Churches there reported that a large percentage of the laborers from mainland working in the farms and industries of the country had placed themselves under the spiritual direction of the Methodist Church. In the opinion of Dodds ... the people seemed well content and their conditions at Fernando Po compared favorably with those of the fellow-tribesmen on the mainland. 149 The migrants usually use the teachings of Jesus Christ as a guide for their behavior and actions. They are always conscious of what they do, say, or fail to do, bearing in mind that people are watching them. They eagerly and regularly attend church services and activities.
Impact on the Imperial Powers While migration had both negative and positive effects on the migrants, the impact of the migration on the imperial powers was largely positive. This can be seen from the growth of their factories/industries in Europe. For instance, W. Rodney noted that "there is also a hint here on the contribution of slaves to the accumulation of capital for the Western capitalist; that is to say, profits from the slaves' work in the plantations
148 149
Donatus, interview by Anthony Oham, December 19, 2005. See NAN (hereafter NAE) Nigeria Sessional Paper No.2 I of 1946.
65
~··f\·ic,·s.
gave fillip to the development of heavy industries [Spain and Britain]." 150 The
important fact is that the primary reason behind colonial land policy was the exploitation of the resources of Africa, whether agricultural or mineral. According to Nzula, "the indigenous population [had] been reduced to semi-slavery, and almost all of them are exploited by open and non-economic forms of coercion on the plantations and in the mines."
151
They served as sources of cheap labor for the imperial powers' large
plantations. The Nigerian migration to Spanish Fernando Po brought the imperial powersGreat Britain and Spain-together and restored co-operation between them. As demonstrated by Osuntokun, "the Nigeria-Fernando Po labor accord was therefore negotiated in the spirit of Anglo-Spanish rapprochement and in consideration ofthe Great British's world wide interest" 152 As I discussed in Chapter II, the Spanish were recruiting laborers illegally from southeastern Nigeria, an area where labor was plentiful and cheap. The demand for labor in Fernando Po was so great and the market was so profitable that illegal smuggling of people from Nigeria continued. The British authorities started to suspect Spain of illegal trafficking and shortly were given the power of "search and arrest" to detain any ship that carried illegal laborers. This resulted in the closure of the German shipping company, the Woermann Line, in Nigeria. This was significant because the only ship that carried Liberian laborers to Fernando Po belonged to the Woermann Line.
150 W.Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (London: Bogle-L'Ouverture Publications, 1972), Cited in Ndu Life Njoku, Studies in Western Imperialism and Afi'ican Development (Owerri: Tonyben Publishers, 1998), 205. 151 Nzula, et at, Forced Labour in Colonial Aji'ica, 37. 152 Osuntokun, Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH C, 17.
66
Great Bntam accused Spain of involvement in arms assistance to Germans during the Gennan-C'ameroon conflict. During the outbreak of World War II, the favorable attitude of Germany towards Spain-Fernando Po complicated the Nigerian relationship with Spanish Fernando Po. This rapport between Spain and Germany put Great Britain in fear that the Axis powers might attack them and the other Allied powers from the island of Fernando Po. This fear made Britain open to negotiation with Spain regarding labor. According to Osuntokun, "in late 1942, the British signed an agreement with Spain to legalize and control this flow of [Nigerian] labor, but it was not until the defeat of Germany became imminent that the Spaniards really began to co-operate with British to enforce the clauses of the 1942 agreement." 153 Through this agreement, peace was reinstated among the imperial powers, which directly affected the treatment and conditions of the Nigerian laborers in the plantations ofthe Spanish. The migration increased the production of the crops that were most needed for the factories of these imperial powers, as well as the consumption of these goods among the migrants. The migration also gave rise to the imperial powers' desire to ensure, through the use of persuasion and coercive methods, that the migrants conducted their plantation work in ways that favored the imperial powers. The imperial powers made use not only of laborers and crops, but also the land where the African planters harvested cocoa and other crops. Going by R. Gard's assertion: At early as 1930, it was apparent that Spain intended Fernando Po (especially its uplands) for use by European cultivators. At that time 18,000 hectares had been conceded 153
J. Osuntokun, Equatorial Guinea-Nigeria relation, the diplomacy oflabor. lbandan: chapter 3. For labor in lieu of military service, see Perpina Grau, De colonization (1978), 115-17. Cited in G.Clarence-Smith, "The impact of Spanish Civil War and the Second World War on Portuguese and Spanish Africa." The Joumal of African History 26, no. 4( 1985): 309-326.
67
to Africans. while some 21,000 hectares had gone to
Euwpcans. a situation which remained legally frozen until 1948. In 1942 and 1943, out of 40,000 hectares devoted to co ITec and cocoa, only 4,000 were in the hands of the Africans. 154 Church also demonstrates that the majority of the land went to Europeans: By the 1960s the coastal band on the north, east and west, up to 2,000 feet was almost completely devoted to Spanish plantations; in 1964, 600 European plantations occupied about 90,000 acres (on the average about 150 acres per plantations) and 40,000 were occupied by African farms (averaging thirteen acres per farm). 155
The migration increased the production and export of many cash crops such as cocoa, coffee, banana, cotton, and tobacco for the imperial powers that supported large plantations of such crops. The imperial powers utilized Nigerian laborers, who produced profits of billions from cocoa and other crops, which the imperial powers exported to their factories I industries and enriched themselves. The first four columns of Table 3 below are based on the data from Armin Kobel's La Republique de Guinee Equatorial/e.
ses res sources potentielles et virtuelles, which shows the exportation of cocoa products [rom Fernando Po to Europe.
156
The last column is based on my total estimated
population from Table 1.
IS• R. Gard. Colonialism and Decolonization of Equatorial Guinea. Northwestern University; Unpublished manuscript (1974), 92. Cited in Sundiate, From Slavery to Neoslavery, 180. Iss R.J. Church, et al., Africa and the islands. (New York. 1964), 278. Cited in Sundiate, From Slavery to Neoslavery, 180. 1s6A Kobel, La Republique de Guinee Equatorialle, ses ressources potentielles et virtuelles.Possibilites de development: PhD diss., Universite de Neuchatel(1976), 267 citing Resumen estadistica del Africa Espanola,1932-1960. Cited in Sundiate, Equatorial Guinea, 42.
68
15,759 16,548 20,039 18,\16 21,529 19,554 20,971 25,433 22,100 23,559 28,673
29,458 31,305 31,014 35,344 30.058
. ". l(obel, cited in Sundiate, Equatorial Guinea 42 source. ,
~
This is to demonstrate that the proftts made by the imperial powers-Great
. . and spain-are directly proportional to the number of Nigerian laborers who sotaln .
Jll1grate
d which promoted the growth of the factories/industries oftbe
,
and also strengthened their economies.
im~eria\ !"'"""
CHAPTER V SUMMARY & CONCLUSION
This study
em harks
Spanish Fcntando Po from
on the task of assessing the Nigerian labor migration to 1900-1968.
It examines the emergence of the Anglo-Spanish
agreement that triggered the migration of Nigerians into Fernando Po. This study also investigates the lives and experiences of the migrants. Moreover, this study traces the impact of the migration on both migrants and imperial powers. At the mid-twentieth century, thousands of lgbo and lbibio laborers from southeastern Nigeria worked in Spanish cocoa plantations on the island of Fernando Po, the present-day Equatorial Guinea. This migration occurred as a result of an AngloSpanish labor agreement. This is a form of mobility or migration that involved local Nigerian societies. The imposition of taxes developed a need for cash, and the introduction of forced labor through the Anglo-Spanish labor agreement resulted in a mass movement of workers to several plantations in Fernando Po. Chapter II of the study explains the history of the Anglo-Spanish agreement. Nigeria's contact with Fernando Po started in 1778 with the Treaty of Pardo, which specified that the entire Niger Delta, especially the Bonny River and Rio Gallinas, was to be in the control of Spain. Fernando Po maintained economic relations with Nigeria because of its strategic location that was close to the Bights of Benin and Biafra. The relationship between Nigeria and Fernando Po was not cordial before the eruption of World War II due to British hostility to Spanish illegal recruitment of laborers from Nigeria. Subsequently, Great Britain was given the power of"search and arrest," to capture any ship that carried illegal laborers. This resulted in the closure of the German 70
shipping
r,n>
cmnpany. the
~·can;
Wocm~ann
Line in
1914.
These tensions continued for the next
until Great Britain accused Spain of supplying weapons to Germany during the
Gennan-Camcroon hostility. When World War II finally erupted, the Germans' favorable attitude towards Spain-Fernando Po further complicated the Nigerian relationship with Spain. This caused a tense exchange of words between the governments ofNigeria and Fernando Po. The Germans used Fernando Po as a broadcast station to communicate with their soldiers dispersed in the Southern Atlantic. The rapport between the Spanish and Germans placed Great Britain in anxiety that the Axis powers might use Fernando Po as a base to attack them and other Allied powers. This anxiety made Great Britain open for compromise with Spain in 1939, which resulted in the migration of 10,000 Nigerian laborers to Fernando Po in the same year. Finally, in December 1942, the Anglo-Spanish labor agreement was signed in order to legalize and control the flow of illegal migration of Nigerians to Fernando Po. The labor agreement stipulated the supply of manpower. The unmarried men worked for the period of one year but had to return to Nigeria after the end of the contract, while the married men migrated with their wives for the duration of two years. Each laborer could not be less than eighteen years old. The laborers had to be medically approved in order to be awarded the contract. The agreement stipulated that a minimum of thirty-five pesetas would be given to each laborer monthly. The labor agreement provided the laborers with accommodations and food items. The agreement also stipulated that 250 laborers would be recruited per month. Even with the stipulated agreements, there were still allegations of ill treatment of Nigerian laborers in plantations
71
in Fcnwndo
Po. Because of this. various delegates visited the island for an investigation,
t->ut no one among thcn1 gave a concrete report about labor abuse on plantations by the Spanish authorities. However, the research I conducted revealed that there was ill rrcatment of laborers on plantations by the Spanish authorities, which is examined in Chapter III of the study. The chapter explains the labor regimes that existed in plantations in Spanish Femando Po. The labor code of 1906, which was known as the Nature Labor Code, regulated the condition of the Nigerian laborers. This labor code, which had the provision of a oneyear minimum wage agreement, prevented the nursing mother and children from doing hard work, provided free accommodations for the workers, stipulated for ten hours duration of work per day for men and eight hours for women, and stopped laborers from leaving the plantation except on approval. It was not completely intolerable. The Spanish colonial regime was unfavorable to the Nigerian laborers. The laborers were treated as slaves and also were instructed to put passes around their necks that were used for identification of each laborer. The Nigerian laborers were forced to work for a long period of hours with only a little food in their stomachs, and the Capertise always insisted that each laborer complete the portion of work assigned to him. This resulted in death for some laborers. Meanwhile, because of hard labor/maltreatment, some of the laborers abandoned the work and advised their wives to prostitute themselves in "New Bill" and to make money in that way in order to provide for their needs. The circumstances of Nigerian laborers, particularly the lgbo, made them come together as a union. The union elected an orator known as the king (Eze Ndi lgbo), who attempted to alleviate the labor abuse on plantations in Fernando Po, but the king's power
72
w:~s
limit<'d. This is because the union was operating under the colonial regime as well as
in a for.:-ig.n land. The labor abuse on plantations continued until a day when some of the Nigerian laborers were shot. This attracted delegates from Nigeria that came and instn~eted
the laborers to retaliate against any labor abuse in Fernando Po. If this
statement was made, it may have been made after Nigeria had gained independence from Great Britain, which was too late to help the migrants. Furthermore, the Spanish authorities separated the wages received by the Nigerian laborers into two parts: one part was paid to the laborers, and the other was held for the laborers at the headquarters in Calabar. The wages received often were not paid. Although the Spanish colonial authorities provided some foodstuffs weekly for the Nigerian laborers, it still was not enough to put an end to the laborers' needs. Apart from the problems encountered by the laborers in wages, the Nigerian laborers also faced serious difficulties in the accommodations provided by the Spanish government. The laborers were overcrowded in the poor quality houses provided to them. These houses lacked the essential amenities of an average house in the present society. Because of the poorly built houses, the Nigerian laborers were exposed to various kinds of diseases, which resulted in the death ofboth adults and children. The Nigerian laborers received treatments in the hospitals and health centers provided by the Spanish government on plantations. The hospitals and health centers were under the control of the missionaries. The Nigerian laborers received treatments under the expense of the plantation owners and also were permitted to go to health checkups from time to time. This does not mean that the Spanish authorities were taking good care of the Nigerian laborers in Fernando Po; rather, the physical health condition of any
73
!;~t--'r'·'
.-hcap,·r
the
tons
of cocoa
or other crops to be produced. Furthermore, it was
t<' proYidc n1cdical care to existing laborers than to recruit new laborers. It was
r<>r these· reasons that Spanish authorities showed some concern for the health condition
o(thc lahorers_ The Spanish authorities were not interested in the educational welfare of the children of Nigerian laborers. They used these children to do some work on plantations. The Spanish regime later built schools for the children of the Nigerian laborers after their meeting with the Nigeria delegates. The schools provided for these children lacked facilities for learning and also training for higher schools. This implies that the Spanish authorities were not interested in anything that would not maximize profit for them. Hence, Spanish authorities were not concerned with equipping the school. By 1968, there was a colonial hangover to Macias's government. This regime
deprived freedom of moving for Nigerian laborers and also prohibited the work of children in plantations. Macias' regime allowed discrimination against the Nigerians, which resulted in the death of four Nigerian laborers. Finally, this regime made laws that repatriated Nigerian laborers back to their home country. These laws were made because the number of Nigerians was so large compared to the original population. The native people believed the Nigerians were taking away their jobs. These laws were disastrous because most of the Nigerian migrants had settled down in Spanish Fernando Po despite the conditions on the plantations; when they returned home, many found that they did not have access to their former properties or to a job. Chapter IV explores the impact of Nigerian migration to Fernando Po on both the migrants and the imperial powers. This migration had economic, social, physiological,
74
and
rdigious impacts on the Nigerian migrants. The bulk of the migrants were living
from hand
to mouth and therefore were surviving from fann work, which they rejected in
order to migrate to Spanish Femando Po. The Nigerian migrants were thinking that they would get
a
more lucrative, non-farming job if they migrated to Fernando Po. This
supports Todaro's theory that the possible migrant chooses a place that maximizes the anticipated gains from migration. However, when they got to the island, they found that they still were working in farms just as they had done in their homeland. Hill's idea that migration occurs due to a lack of lucrative non-farming employment in West Africa, particularly in the region of southeastern Nigeria, thus is supported in the migration to Fernando Po. The farm-to-farm job change would have been a lateral move that would not have resulted in any economic or social gain for the laborer, and that gain was exactly what the laborers had hoped to receive through migration. The Nigerian migrants suffered loss of status, rights, and property/heritage as a result of migration. The returned migrants lost their social status in the eyes of their community as a whole because the migrants had nothing to show for their migration to Spanish Fernando Po. In regard to this, their peers, extended families, communities, and friends looked down on them for not having achieved and for not having provided assistance through migration. Because of this, the migrants also lost most oftheir communal rights. Furthermore, they lost their properties/heritage at home as a result of colonial migration. This caused deprivation, frustration, withdrawal, and depression for most of the migrants and resulted in socio-psychological problems and disorientation expressed in drunkenness. Most of the migrants regret migrating to Spanish Fernando Po, which has resulted in demoralizing thoughts. Because of this, many of the migrants
75
di~,-,>u.-agc·
their children from migrating. In addition. the models of Mabogunje and
[hcrkc assert that family structure and society directly have an impact on whether or not an individual \:ly
will
migrate. The returning migrants were seen as socio-economic failures
their families and communities because the_migrants did not achieve their sole aim of
migration (sufficient income). The research thus offers support for Mabogunje's and Byerlee's models. The majority of the Nigerian migrants were illiterates because they spent most of their time on plantations. They did not obtain the education and skills necessary for them to have access to higher paying jobs. Also, they did not have time to take care of their children to give them good educations. Because of this, most of their children were dropouts and still depended on the poor parents for survivaL Migration under colonialism also had an impact on the health of returned Nigerian migrants. The migrants were exposed to different types of diseases; most of them were infected with one disease or another. However, the migration also strengthened the Nigerian migrants physically because of the long hours they were required to work on the plantations. Consequently, most of the returned migrants were strong and healthy in their eighties. The returned Nigerian migrants were able to learn some languages in Fernando Po that they use to communicate among themselves. The majority of the Nigerian migrants can communicate with "Pidgin English" fluently. This language has helped them to communicate with other tribes in Nigeria, especially those migrants who are travelers. The Nigerian migrants were able to communicate and intermarry with indigenous people of Fernando Po. This encouraged the mixture of culture. Some of the traditional
76
t<><>
indigenous local people of Fcmando Po is still used by Nigerians. Mashed
pl:mtain mixed with oil. for example, is still eaten in Nigerian society by the migrants as well as
t>y non-n1igrants. Finally. the Nigerian migrants embraced Christianity through colonial migration.
Most of the migrants who were pagans before migrating embraced Christ as a result of their circumstances in Femando Po. The teaching of Christ made them always mindful of what they do or fail to do and what to say, having in mind that the public is watching them. Although the migration caused social, economic, and physiological problems for the Nigerian migrants, it benefited the imperial powers economically and otherwise. Britain and Spain used the migration to settle their differences and established a collaboration, which resulted in forced labor, exploitation, and de facto enslavement of Nigerian laborers on Spanish plantations. The migration increased the production and export of several cash crops for the colonial powers. The imperial powers made profits of billions from tons of cocoa and other crops, which they exported to their factories/industries and used to enrich themselves.
In conclusion, based on the examination of this research, it was clear to me that there was labor abuse/enslavement in the plantations of Spanish Fernando Po. The Nigerian government delegates who visited the island concealed the incidents of abuses of Nigerian laborers. However, the Annual Report of the Federal Ministry of Land/Labor division noted 3,742 complaints oflabor abuse from the Nigerian laborers. This included long hours of work, various forms of maltreatment, poor medical facilities, short payment
77
,,(wa~l's. unlaw till deductions from wages, and short supply of food rations.m For every
,.,,mplaint made. there are probably many other cases left unreported because some 111 igr:lllts
might have been scared of receiving further punishment. Also, as the returning
migrants were reporting continually on labor abuse in Spanish Fernando Po, some of the Nigerian government delegates like Chief S.L.Akintola, the Central Minister of labor, denied the abuse. On the other hand, J. M. Johnson, the Federal Minister of Affairs, Labor and Welfare and other representatives visited in 1957 and reported that there was labor abuse in Fernando Po, but the abuses were not reported in detail. Instead, the delegates focused on the positive aspects of the report, which contradict the experiences of the respondents I interviewed. The Nigerian government delegates knew about the labor abuse in Spanish
Fernando Po but refused to report the abuse to the public. This is because the AngloSpanish relation was a collaborative business in which the imperial powers worked together in order to benefit financially as a result of the labor of the Nigerian laborers on the plantations. The acknowledgement of abuse might have resulted in the loss of the opportunity for profit for the imperial powers, thus the imperial powers did not report the abuse. This is supported by the fact that the Nigerian government received a capitation fee of five pounds sterling for each Nigerian laborer working in Fernando Po. For instance, the sum of 873,630 pesetas (approximately £5, 144.17.7d sterling) was received as a capitation fee by the Nigerian government at the first contracts. 158 Because of this,
the Nigerian delegations continuously increased the number of recruitments in order to
:::See NAN. Annual Report, 1966-67. See NAN. Annual Report, 1966-67.
78
make greater profits, which caused Nigerian authorities not to speak against or report any labor abuse in Spanish Fernando Po. Also, the revised agreement of 1950 cooperated to recruit laborers from the British Firm of John Holt in Nigeria and Company Ltd., as well as from the AngloSpanish Employment Agency. This revised agreement turned against the illegal laborers, which resulted in repatriation of these Nigerian laborers. The illegal laborers were the ones to whom the Spanish government promised a heavy amount of wages, which the Spain secretly recruited in their plantations. The important fact is that the Anglo-Spanish agreement was a colonial cooperation, but one in which the conditions of Nigerian laborers were compromised by both colonial powers. Finally, it is important to note that the labor code to which I refer throughout the study was in existence before the Anglo-Spanish agreement was signed. Due to the timeframe, it might be that the labor codes were meant for the men and women of the original Bubi population of the island. This is important because if the labor code never was intended to cover the migrants, a migrant who
exceeded the number of hours
stipulated could not claim abuse in terms of hours worked. If the labor code did apply, however, then a migrant who exceeded the stipulated hours could in fact make a case that the labor code was violated. For the purposes ofthis study, however, I presumed that the labor codes in fact did apply to the migrants. This study narrowed the window of information unavailable regarding the Nigerian migration to Fernando Po. In particular, the research provided information regarding the aspects of the lives and experiences ofthe migrants and the impact ofthe migration on the migrants, as well as on both the imperial powers. The research 79
demonstrates aspects of the nature and pattern of migration in West Africa such as those contained in the models of Todaro, Mabogunje, and Byerlee. These three models were used because they are the models most applicable to this study in that they take into consideration the role of family, kinship ties, social structure and social practices, and tmequal distribution of economic and social development among the regions in Nigeria. It went further to show that the local people were important in shaping colonial societies;
the study has contributed to the history of Nigerian migration by combining the aspects of social, economic, and political labor history in colonial times. This work reveals that the imperial powers often collaborated to shield their mutual economic interest. The research fits into the overall picture created by existing research in regard to the nature of colonial migration in Africa, which placed an emphasis on forced labor. Finally, this study also features the pattern of migration in Africa, particularly in West Africa. The information that I had at the time of my research is represented in this thesis. Nevertheless, while this thesis makes multiple contributions of value to the study of migration, there is a great deal of information yet to be collected on the topic. There were numerous questions raised by the responses of the respondents and the inquiries of my advisor during the research and construction of this work. Therefore, I am motivated to continue my study in order to find the answers to the questions raised. To find these answers, I intend to travel to Public Record at London where colonial records are kept, as well as to Nigeria and Fernando Po to conduct additional interviews. This is because poor documentation practice has resulted in few archival sources being available in Nigeria on the research topic. The lack of archival sources is precisely the reason why scholars have
80
not studied this topic in detail previous to this work. 1 feel that even more documentation may be available at Public Record in London. Due to the lack of documentation and the fact that I am only focusing on the Nigerian migrants for my study, l intend to gain data primarily via oral interviews. I will use this thesis as a foundation for my Ph.D. study.
APPENDICES
LIST OF INFORMANTS INTER.. VIEWED
--
NAME
AGE
OCCUPATION
DATE/ PLACE OF INTERVIEW
Ahamuefula Chibuike
72
Trader
12/27/05 Akwakurna
Akamadu Augustine
80
Farmer
A lam Sunday
85
Farmer
Asuluka Cletus
70
Carpenter
Atasie Mathias
75
Farmer
Dike Udochukwu
74
Trader
Ekechukwu Fabian
75
Farmer
Ihejieto Donatus
68
Farmer
Obiaku Timothy
78
Farmer
Obiaku Arnaka
69
Trader
Ogwudire Valentine
71
Farmer
Okehie Sylvanus
68
Security Guard
Okolie Jude
70
Farmer
Okonkwo Matthew
72
Farmer
REMARKS
"Fanner in FP cocoa Plantation; migrated with friend in 1950; 5 pesetas 12/20/05 Fanner in FP cocoa Mbano plantation; migrated with friend in 1949; 5 pesetas 04/08/04 Fanner in FP cocoa Umugurna plantation; migrated alone in 1946; wage of 5 pe_setas 12/31105 Farmer in FP cocoa Umugurna plantation; migrated with friends in 1964; wage of 5 Pesetas 04/2/04 Watch-day guard for a white Ogwuwgu man in FP; migrated alone in 1948; wage of l0_£_esetas 12/20/05 Farmer in FP banana Ogwuwgu plantation; migrated alone in 1951; wage of 5~setas 01/4/06 Farmer in FP cocoa/ coffee Ihiawa plantation; migrated alone in 1953; wage of 18~setas 12/19/05 Farmer in FP rubber Ogwuwgu plantation; migrated alone in 1964; 15 pesetas 04/10/04 Farmer in FP cocoa Umugurna plantation; migrated with friend in 1962; 5_2_esetas 04/10/04 Housewife in FP; migrated after her husband (Timothy) Umugurna in 1963 Farmer in FP cocoa 12/31105 plantation; migrated alone Umuguma in 1958; wage of 10 pesetas Farmer in FP coffee 0112/06 plantation; migrated alone Ogwuwgu in 1956, later his wife joined him; wage of l8_2_esetas 12/22/05 . Farmer in FP coffee plantation; migrated alone Umuguma in 1952; wage of 18 ~esetas Farmer in FP rubber 12/31105 Orlu Umuake plantation; migrated alone in 1952; wage of 18 jl_esetas
83
Opara Israel
72
Opara Loise
68
Fanne;--
Njemanze Friday
69
Shoe Mende-;--
Ugwonali Christian
70
Fanner
Ukagha Damian
BS
Unemployed
Umunnakwe Longinus Umunnakwe Grace
Secunty Guard
,......... 12/29/05 Amakohia
\Fanner in FP cocoa
12/30/05 Amakohia 12/22/05 Ireta 04/10/04 Amakohia
plantation; migrated alone in \960; wage of 5 pesetas
\ Trader in FP to help her \ husband; mi~~ed after her husband.
j
1
74
68
04/\8/04 Ogwuwgu
Farmer
0\/02/06 Umuguma
Trader
01/02/06 Umuguma
\
. . -. J
·~ plantation; migrated with a
friend in \944;wageof5 oesetaS Farmer in FP cocoa/banana plantation; migrated alone in \ 960; wa11,e of \ S pc_sew \Housewife in FP; migrated a1\er her husband (Lonv.inus) in \96\
J
J
APPENDIX B INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ON NIGERIAN LABOR MIGRATION TO FERNANDO PO 1.
What is your name?
2.
How old are you?
3.
When were you born?
4.
Are you married?
5. If yes, do you have children? 6. How many children do you have? 7. How many of them are male I female? 8. Did you go to school? 9.
What is the level of your education?
10. What is your religion? 11. What do you do for a living? 12. Have you ever left your place of birth? 13. What do your parents do for a living? 14. What were you and your family doing before migrating? 15. When did you migrate? 16. Why did you migrate?
17. Did you migrate alone? 18. Ifno, with whom did you migrate? 19. How did you know about the place to which you migrated (Fernando Po)? 20.
Where their people from other areas I parts of Nigeria? 85
21.
II
yes,
Wllal wa:;
your rcJaUUH
WHU
lUt;~t;
J.JI;;UfJJC:
22. What were you doing in Fernando Po? 23. If you were working in plantations, who owned the plantations? 24. Were you paid? 25. If so, how much? 26. Were you living alone or in a group at Fernando Po? 21. How were the living conditions on Fernando Po? 28. What were the foods you ate? 29. Who prepared the food and where was
it coming from?
30. What were the worst experiences you had at Fernando Po? 31. What were the best experiences you had at Fernando Po? 32. Did you have a supervisor? 33. If so, where were they from? 34. Who treated you better, the British or Spanish? Why? 35. Who treated you worse, the British or Spanish? Why? 36. How did migration affect your fellow migrants? 37. Have you been sick? 38. If so, how did you cope? 39.
How were you treated or who treated you? Was it your friends, your family members, or the plantation owners?
40.
How did you communicate with your relations at home (in
Nigeria)?
41.
When you migrated, who supported you? Was it your wife,
family, or kin?
42.
Were you sending money to your family members? 86
BIBLIOGRAPHY .'\ PRIMARY SOURCES ARCHIVAL MATERIALS
C.O 657/53: Annual Report ofthe Dept. Labor for the year 1944.
National Archive of Nigeria. Annual Report on the Work of the Labour Inspectorate. Enugu, 1940. __. Annual Report of the Department of Labor. Enugu, 1942. __.Annual Report ofthe Department of Labor and on the Resettlement of Exservicemen. Eungu, 1946. __. Annual Report of the Federal Ministry of Land Labor Division. Eungu, 1966-67. Regional Archive of Nigeria. RAC 371/24526: Cypher telegram from Governor of Nigeria to S of S for the colonies. Calabar, 9 July, 1940. National Archive of Nigeria. Labor Report ONPROF 525/2503. Enugu, 5 January, 1937. __.Nigeria Sessional Paper No. 38. Enugu, 1939. __• Nigeria Sessional Paper No. 21. Enugu, 1946. Regional Archive of Nigeria.ONPROFCA/N0/42. Calabar, 31 July, 1952 _ . RAC 371134771. Calabar, 22 Jan., 1943. __• RAC 583/240 W.A.F.F: Report for half year ending. Calabar, 31 Dec., 1938. B. SECONDARY SOURCES BOOKS Afigbo, A.E. The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule in Nigeria 1891-1929. New
York: Humanities Press, Inc, 1972. Cordell, Dennis D., Gregory, Joel W., and Piche, Victor. Hoe and Wage: A Social History of a Circular Migration System in West Africa. Colorado: Westview Press, 1996.
88
Cole. 1-l.M .. and Aniakor. C.lgbo Arts: Community and Cosmos. Regents of the University of California, 1984.
Dejong. G .. and Gardner, R. Migration Decision Making. New York: Pergamon, 1981. Dike. A.A. The Resilience oflgbo Culture: A Case Study ofAwka Town. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers Co. Ltd, 1985. Floyd, B. Eastern Nigeria: A Geographical Review. New York: Prager, 1969. Ifemesia, C. C. Traditional Human Living among the Jgbo: An Historical Perspective Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co.Ltd, 1979.
_ _ .Southeastern Nigeria in the nineteenth century: An Introduction Analysis. New York: NOK Publishers, 1978. Max Liniger-Gournaz, "Historical Dictionary of Equatorial Guinea." African HistoricaiDictionaries, No.2 I. Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, Inc, 2000. Njoku, Ndu L. Studies in Western Imperialism and African Development. Owerri: Tonyben Publishers, 1998. Niven, R. Nigeria: Nations of the Modern World. New York: FREDERICK .PRAEGER, 1967. Nworjih, C.A. A Study of the Origins, Characteristics, and Significance of the Traditional Art ofBlacksmithing in Southeastern Nigeria. UMI: Dissertation Services, 1993. Nzula, A.T., et al. Forced Labour in Colonial Africa. London: Redwood Burn Ltd, 1979. Okali, D., Okpara, E., and Olawoye, J. Rural-Urban Interaction and Livelihood Strategies Series: The case ofAba and its region southeastern Nigeria. London: Human Settlement Program liED, 2001. Osuntokun, J. Nigeria-Fernando Po Relations from the 19TH Century to the Present. Papers read at the Canadian Africa Studies Association Conference. Sherbrooke PQ Canada, 1977, Aprii26-May3. _ _ .Nigeria- Fernando Po Relation in Akinyemi, A.B Ed. Nigeria and the World. lbadan: University of lbadan, 1973. Perkins, W.A., and Stembridge, J.H. Nigeria: A Description Geography. lbadan: OUP.1966.
89
Sundiata. I. K. From Slaving to Neo-slavery': The Bight of Bight and Fernando Po in the Era of Abolition. 1827-1930. London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1996.
_ _ .Equatorial Guinea: Colonialism, State Terror. and the Search for Stability. Boulder, San Francisco, & Oxford: Westview Press, 1990. Uwehue, R. African Today. London, African Book Ltd, 1991 ARTICLES Akinyemi, B. Nigeria and Fernando Po, 1958-1966: The Politics oflrridentism. Africa Affairs 69, no.276 (1970, July): 236-249. Arthur, J.A. International Labor migration Pattern in West Africa: African Studies Review 34, no.3 (1991, Dec.): 65-87. Brown, R.T. Fernando Po and the Anti-Sierra Leonean Campaign, 1826-1834. The International Journal ofAfrican Historical Studies, 6, no.2 (1973): 249-264. Byerlee, D.Rural-urban Migration in Africa: Theory, Policy and Research Implication.lnternational Migration Review 8 (1974): 543-566. Clarence-Smith, G. The Impact of the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War on Portuguese and Spanish Africa. The Journal ofAfrican History, World War II and Africa 26, no.4 (1985): 309-326 . . African and European Cocoa Producers on Fernando Po, 1880-1910. The Journal of African History 35, no.2 (1994): 179-199 Gould, W.T.S. International Migration in Tropical: A Bibliographical Review. International Migration Review 8, no.3 (Autumn, 1974): 347-365. International Labor Organization. Inter-territorial migration of Africa south of the Sahara: International Labor Review 76 (1957): 292-310. Mabogunje, A.L. System Approach to a Theory of Rural-urban Migration. Geographical Analysis 2 (1970): 1-17. McCain, J.A. Migration Pattern in Nigeria. African Studies Review 15, no.2 (1972): 209215, African Studies Association. Onwubu, C. Ethnic Identity, Political Integration and National Development: The Igbo Diaspora in Nigeria. The Journal of Modern Africa Studies 13, no.3 (1975, Sept): 399-413. 90
Pcil. M. The Expulsion of West African Aliens: The Journal of Modern African Studies 9, no.2 (1971): 205-229. Randall. F. The U.N Human Rights Commission: The Equatorial Guinea Case. Human Right Quarterly 3, no.l (1981, Feb): 34-47. Sundiata, I.K. Prelude to Scandal: Liberia and Fernando Po. The Journal ofAfrican History 15, no.l (1974): 97-112. Swindell, K. Labor Migration in Underdevelopment Countries: The case of Sub-Sahara Africa. Progress in Human Geography 3 (1979): 239-257. Todaro, M. A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries. The American Economic Review 59, no.l (1969): 138-148. ELECTRONIC SOURCES Anonymous, http://classweb.gmu.edu/chauss/cponline/nigeria.htm. Encyclopaedia Britannica, "lgbo Ukwu," www.britannica.com/eb/article-55308 Lipski, J.M. "The Spanish of Equatorial Guinea: research on Ia hispanidad's besk-kept secret," www.personal.psu.edu/faculty/j/m/jml34/eg. Okafor, J.C. "Conservation and Use of Traditional Vegetable from Woody Forest Species in Southeastern Nigeria," www.ipgri.cgiar.org/publications/HTML Publications/500/ch04.htm.
