American Family Foundation

Cultic Studies Journal A Journal on Cults and Manipulative Technologies of Social Influence Vol. 5 No. 1 1988

This double issue combines Volume 4, Number 2 (1987) and Volume 5, Number 1 (1988)

CONTENTS In Memoriam: Maurice K. Temerlin

4

Introductory Note to Family Studies

5

ARTICLES Cult vs. Non-Cult Jewish Families: Factors Influencing Conversion Mark I. Sirkin and Bruce A. Grellong

6

Family Environment as a Factor in Vulnerability to Cult Involvement Neil Maron

21

Creating the Illusion of Mind Reading in a Self-Transformation Training Robert C. Fellows

36

―Reject the Wicked Man‖ – Coercive Persuasion and Deviance Production: A Study on Conflict Management Jerry Paul McDonald

46

Litigating the Cult-Related Child Custody Case Randy Francis Kandel

87

Confessions of a Cult Watcher Ronald Enroth

94

Book Reviews The Health and Wealth Gospel, By Bruce Baron; Now Choose Life … The Faith Assembly, by Jack P. Clark Rita Swan

96

Unmasking the New Age, by Douglas R. Groothius; Unholy Spirits: Occultism and New Age Humanism, by Gary North Herbert Schlossberg

100

Spiritual Choices: The Problem of Recognizing Authentic and Inauthentic Pats to Inner Transformation, edited by Dick Anthony, Bruce Ecker, and Ken Wilbur Timothy Brauns Letters Two letters from Floyd McClung, Jr., Executive Director, International Operations, Youth with a Mission

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 2

104

108

Reply to Floyd McClung‘s Correspondence Michael D. Langone

110

News and Notes

111

Selected References

113

*Note: these pages referenced are different than the original published journal. Please check the end of each article for the original pagination.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 3

In Memoriam Maurice K. Temerlin We regret to inform readers that Maurice K. Temerlin, Ph. D., member of the Cultic Studies Journal Editorial Board, died suddenly this Spring. Dr. Temerlin moved to Oregon last year when he retired from his private practice in Oklahoma City. He and his wife Jane published pioneering articles on psychotherapy cults. A member of the American Psychological Association‘s Task Force on Deceptive and Indirect Techniques of Persuasion and Control, he was a valuable advisor to the American Family Foundation. We will miss him deeply.

This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1981, Volume 5, Number 1, pages i. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 4

Introductory Note to Family Studies Are cult members' families different from those of persons who do not join cults? Since this muchdiscussed question has received almost no systematic attention, the Cultic Studies Journal is pleased to present in this issue two scientific studies that investigate this important question. The Maron and the Sirkin and Grellong studies that follow were competently designed and executed. But, as is often the case in psychological research, their findings contradict each other. Sirkin and Grellong found that their sample of cultists' parents differed in some respects from a comparison sample; Maron found no differences. These contradictory results underline the fact that a handful of studies rarely suffices to answer psychological questions authoritatively. Unlike research in the physical sciences, where scientists have considerable control over the variables under study, ―real-world‖ (as opposed to laboratory) psychological research is fraught with contaminating factors. Measuring instruments may not accurately and/or reliably measure that which they were designed to measure. Data collected in a study may be analyzed according to different statistical procedures, the appropriateness of which may be debated even by statisticians. Subjects' knowledge of or inferences about a study may influence their responses (which is why ―pro-cultists‖ and ―anti-cultists‖ question the reliability of reports from ex- cult members and present cult members, respectively). And the samples used to investigate questions about a large population (e.g., cult members' families) may not be representative of that population. For these reasons, the CSJ encourages others to follow the lines of inquiry opened by Maron and Sirkin and Grellong. Ultimately, the accumulation of scientific evidence will enable us to answer with confidence the key question stated earlier. The Editor This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1981, Volume 5, Number 1, page 1. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 5

Cult vs. Non-Cult Jewish Families: Factors Influencing Conversion Mark I. Sirkin, Ph. D. Department of Psychiatry, University of Rochester Medical Center Bruce A. Grellong, Ph. D. Jewish Board of Family and Children's Services, New York Abstract This study investigated factors predisposing individuals to conversion by cult groups. Forty-two Jewish families with at least one child in a cult group were compared with 45 Jewish families of similar SES with no cult involvement. The Family Environment Scale (Moos & Moos, 1981), a questionnaire, and a semistructured interview were used to collect data from parents about their child and family. Results indicated that, although similar in many respects, the two groups differed in three important ways. Discriminant analysis demonstrated that, in the cult-involved group, the child was more likely to have had a history of psychological difficulties and problems in living; the family tended to be less emotionally expressive and implicitly more critical; and, for these young adults, religious solutions for life's difficulties seemed to be a viable option. The transition to adulthood seemed particularly difficult for the cult-involved person. The news media continue to report about cultic proselytizing and recruitment, as well as the emotional and sometimes financial distress experienced by the cult recruit and his or her family (e.g., Brooks, 1986; Conason & McGarrahan, 1986; Hoffman, 1986). In response, programs have appeared which serve as information centers, referral agencies, and counseling centers for former group members and/or families. The Cult Hot-line and Clinic, jointly sponsored by the Jewish Board of Family and Children's Services and the Jewish Community Relations Council in New York City, is one such program. It provides information about nontraditional religious groups and counseling services to former group members as well as to families whose lives have been disrupted by the loss of a son or daughter to such a group. This paper reports on a study at the Cult Hot-line and Clinic. The study contrasted parental perceptions of family patterns and children's developmental history of a group of parents whose children were involved in cults with a group whose children were comparable in many respects, but who were not involved. The parents of young people who were cult-involved had applied to the clinic in response to their own distress or belief that they and/or their child had a problem The noncult-involved parents were volunteers recruited as a contrast group for the cult-involved parents. Viewed as a mental health problem, cult involvement poses unique difficulties for researchers and clinicians. The groups themselves can be viewed from various perspectives depending on one's classification schema (Sirkin, Markowitz, & Grellong, 1983). Groups vary according to doctrine as well as to practices of isolation, coercion, deception, and alteration of personal cognitive and emotional development. While membership in such groups is readily acknowledged as deviant by society (Marciano, 198 1), the presence of individual psychopathology, among members or as a factor accounting for entry into a group, has been hotly debated (Robbins & Anthony, 1982). Although cult involvement may be fully ego-syntonic for the involved individual, it may be dystonic for the rest of the family system. That is, family members, especially parents, may experience great distress when relationships are strained or ties broken due to involvement in extremist groups. Because cult-involved individuals are often unresponsive to those not overtly sympathetic to their strongly held beliefs, they are usually unavailable for research purposes. Therefore, parents have been used in the present study as a source of information about the cultinvolved individual and the family system in general. While acknowledging that data directly from Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 6

the child might differ from parental reports, previous research has indicated that parents, as knowledgeable informants, are reliable and valid sources of information about their children (Moskowitz & Schwarz, 1982; Schwarz, Barton-Henry, & Pruzinsky, 1985). The parents who participated in the present study are representative of a group that views cult involvement as a problem requiring professional intervention and is willing to participate in the research project. The cult-involved sample, then, represents a self-selected subsample of the total number of parents affected by cults. Table I provides a list of the many and varied groups with which the clinical sample was involved. This study explored three general areas of clinical interest: (1) developmental history of the young person; (2) family relations and patterns of interaction; and (3) changes in the young person's life just prior to cult involvement. _______________________________________________________________________ Table I Groups Studied Name Large Hindu Groups Divine Light Mission Happy Healthy Holy Hare Krishna Muktananda Rajneesh Saiva Siddanta Church Sri Chinmoy

No 3 2 1 3 2 1 2

Name Born Again Christian Groups Born Again (Generic) Brahman Tabernacle Campus Crusade Evangelical (Generic) Fundamentalist Shepherding The Way international Upper Room Ministry Jews For Jesus Yeshuah Ha Mashiach

14 Therapy Oriented Groups Direct Centering Institute for Self Development More House Scientology Sullivanians-The Fourth Wall

1 2 1 4 2

Miscellaneous Groups Church Universal & Triumphant Frederic von Mierers Guru Hilda Lyman Family Nichiren Shoshu of America Theatre of Light Unification Church

10

No 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 10 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 8

Total of All Groups - 42 Individual Developmental History Data about individual developmental history allowed us to look for evidence of psychopathology and to assess, using a variety of criteria, psychosocial functioning over several development periods. Psychosocial functioning refers here to the individual's mastery or adaptation to the changing demands of family, school, and peer relations as he or she grows. The study examined the nature and quality of the child‘s efforts to meet expectations for school performance, maintain friendships, or make career choices.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 7

Investigators have found that a relatively high percentage (25-60%) of cult members had previously sought psychotherapeutic treatment (Clark, 1979; Galanter & Buckley, 1978; Galanter, Rabkin, Rabkin, & Deutsch, 1979; Levine & Salter, 1976). Our first hypothesis, therefore, was that the cult-involved group, compared to the contrast group, would more likely have sought psychotherapy during childhood or adolescence, and would have evidenced more impaired psychosocial functioning. Family Relations and Patterns of Interaction Differences between the family relations and structure of the cult-involved and noncult-involved families were also explored. Data from families are scarce in the cult literature, but Schwartz and Kaslow (1979, 1981) have observed that the family environment does contribute to cult vulnerability. They note: in some cases, seemingly exemplary parents hold out a model of perfection that their children are unable to fulfill; in other situations the [family] closeness much admired by friends is a pseudo-mutual one (Wynne, Ryckoff, Day, & Hirsch, 1958) or an expression of an overly enmeshed family (Minuchin, Montalvo, Guerney, Rosman, & Schumer 1967). (Schwartz & Kaslow, 1979, p. 17) The family's ethnic identity may also contribute to vulnerability. Some investigators have observed that a disproportionate number of cult-involved individuals are Jewish (Schwartz, 1978; Marciano, 1981). Are there familial patterns similar to those above or patterns unique to Jewish families that account for this disproportion? Herz and Rosen (1982) observe that Jewish families, in general, place an emphasis on the centrality of the family, intellectual and financial success, verbal expression of feelings, and suffering as a shared value. In particular, the emphasis on success, especially when the demand is implicit and non-specific, may be a source of vulnerability in Jewish families. As Herz and Rosen (1982) have noted, ―...no matter how successful Jewish children are, they never quite feel successful enough when compared to the parental and cultural expectations they have internalized.‖ (p. 385). In the present study, all of the participating families were Jewish, precluding a comparison with non-Jewish families, whether cult-involved or not. An additional factor which should be kept in mind when interpreting the data is that the contrast families were recruited from Jewish organizations, and may have been more actively involved in the community than the average Jewish family. Nevertheless, Jewish families share many common values which may similar conflicts and contribute to increased vulnerability. Furthermore, the average Jewish family (Herz & Rosen, 1982) and the average cult-involved family (Schwartz & Kaslow, 1979) appear similar on the surface. therefore, it was difficult to predict a priori, exactly how these differences would manifest. It is only against this common backdrop of shared cultural norms that any differences between cult- and noncult-involved Jewish families can be interpreted. The second hypothesis of this study, then, predicted that the cult- and noncult-involved families would differ significantly on some family measures, the expectation being that the cult-involved families would tend to place higher expectations on their children and be less tolerant of expressed differences. Pre-Cult Stress In their review of the literature, Clark, Langone, Schecter, and Daly (1981) report that ―the majority of cultists were dissatisfied with one or more important areas of their precult lives‖ (p. 46). This dissatisfaction may stem from purely practical problems in living (i.e., quantitatively more stress), or may reflect a lack of resilience to the ups and downs of everyday life, i.e., difficulty negotiating the developmental tasks of late adolescence (Erikson, 1966). Such difficulties may stimulate intrapsychic conflicts, which, when combined with normal stress, leave the individual especially susceptible to cult recruitment.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 8

The latter hypothesis, which has been explored in the present research, explains cult vulnerability in the context of late adolescent or young adult development Gitelson and Reed (1981) have found support for a similar hypothesis, although with a relatively small number of subjects (N = 7). Levine (1984) reports that cultists ―are not brainwashed or weird, but neither are they quite whole‖ (P. 26), while Singer (1979) states, ―many participants joined these religious cults during periods of depression and confusion, when they had a sense that life was meaningless‖ (p. 72). Presuming that an interaction of intrapsychic dynamics and stressful life events, rather than the life events themselves, leaves one susceptible to cult recruitment, the third hypothesis of this study was that parental reports would demonstrate significantly more stressful life events among cult-involved individuals in contrast to individuals not involved in cults. Method Participants The cult-involved group consisted of 42 families who had at one time consulted the Cult Hot-line and Clinic of the Jewish Board of Family and Children's Services about their child's cult involvement and who agreed to participate in the research. (1) Only Jewish families were included in the present study. One-parent and divorced or remarried families were not excluded and constituted 29% of the sample. For the purposes of comparison, a group, which we called ―contrast‖ families, was recruited through organizations such as Hadassah and the Organization for Rehabilitation and Training (ORT), through synagogues, and through newspaper advertisements. Contrast families were recruited on the basis of the following characteristics: a) Jewish families with two to four children one of whom was between the ages of 19-27, b) the children have had some college, and c) both parents were at least high school graduates. Forty-five families who met these qualifications agreed to participate in this study. Again, no effort was made to control for one-parent, divorced or remarried families, who constituted 18% of the contrast sample. A target child was chosen as a point of focus for interviews with the contrast families to create a closer parallel to the cult-involved families. This child was required to be between 19-27 and to be in or have completed college. If more than one child in the family met these conditions, one of the eligible children was chosen randomly using a random numbers table. This target child was the point of reference for parents in the contrast group when discussing developmental history and stressful life events. Procedure The cult-involved and contrast (noncult-involved) parents first completed a set of questionnaires sent to their homes. Next, a personal interview was scheduled with the parents (or parent) and one of the trained research staff team. The research instruments included: Family Environment Scale (FES). The FES (Moos & Moos, 1981) is a measure of the perceived family environment. It assesses the interpersonal relationships among family members (Relationship Dimension), the directions of personal growth stressed by the family (Personal Dimension), and the organizational structure of the family (System Maintenance Dimension). The scale consists of 90 true-false statements divided equally among 10 subscales which constitute these three major dimensions. Family Questionnaire. This measure, developed by the investigators, comprised straightforward questions concerning the child's background (childhood, school, work, social and health history), the family's health history, religious affiliation, and demographics (marital status, education, income). An adaptation of the questionnaire prepared for the contrast families removed all the items pertaining specifically to cult involvement.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 9

Parent Interview. The interview explored the parents' knowledge of the cult, their reaction to their child's involvement, details concerning the child's background, and the parents' concerns about their child's school, work, peer relations, changes in lifestyle, and stressful events preceding cult involvement. For contrast families the interview format removed those items pertaining specifically to cult involvement. Statistical Analysis The data were analyzed in two steps. The first step involved descriptive and simple statistics, including percentages and, for the Family Environment Scale, the calculation of multivariate and univariate F-tests (see p. 8). Although I tests were calculated for differences between cult and contrast groups, these data were not reported. This was decided because two basic assumptions of the t test were frequently violated, i.e., independence from test to test and homogeneity of variance, and thus these data were unreliable. Percentage data reported were for purposes of description rather than hypothesis testing. The second step involved multivariate statistical analyses including discriminant analysis. The latter was used both to collapse the data into composite variables and to subject these composite variables to more rigorous analysis. Results Descriptive Data Analysis Demographics. The two groups were found to be generally rather similar on such demographic variables as parent education and socioeconomic status. The contrast group was somewhat more affluent than the cult-involved group. Fifty- four percent (n = 22) of cult-involved young people were male and 46% (n = 19) were female. The contrast sample consisted of 58% males (n = 26) and 42% females (n = 19). The cult-involved person was, on the average, six years older than the contrast focus child at the time of the interview. However, the average age at the time of cult entry was 22, which compares favorably to the average age of the contrast focus child, which was 23. For the cult-involved sample, the ages ranged from 15-32, whereas the age range for the contrast group was 19-28. Many of the data discussed in the following sections are summarized in Table 2 and Table 3.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 10

______________________________________________________________ Table 2 Descriptive Statistics of Individual Variables Used in Linear Analyses Variable name

Explanation w/S‘s

job

N

Mean

Deviation

Scale

80

2.69

.63

1-4

SATPERF

F*

Parents‘ satisfaction performance

SATGEN

F

Parents‘ general satisfaction w/subject

84

3.13

.93

1-4

LOSS

V

Significant prior loss

83

1.49

.53

0-2

SATLIFE

V

Subject‘s general dissatisfaction w/life

79

1.54

.50

1-2

RELREL

S

Religious relatives

80

1.37

.49

1-2

NTEEN

V

Subject problematic as a teenager

83

3.24

1.31

1-5

AGREEVO

F

Parent‘s agreement around vocational issues

53

3.21

.97

1-4

COLCHANG

V

Change of S‘s college

79

1.23

.42

1-2

EXBOTHR

F

Mean expressiveness score from FES

79

5.42

1.81

0-9

OCPBOTHR

S

Mean intellectual-cultural score from FES

79

6.82

2.04

0-9

orientation

________________________________________________________________________ * Letter indicates the composite variable, or factor, to which each individual variable was assigned (see p. 9): V = vulnerability, F = family, and S = search.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 11

_______________________________________________________________________ Table 3 Individual Variable Means and Standard Deviations by Group Variable

Group Cult

Contrast

n

Mean

S.D.

n

Mean

S.D.

SATPERF

38

2.53

.76

42

2.83

.44

SATGEN

42

2.90

1.03

42

3.36

.76

LOSS

42

1.64

.53

41

1.34

.48

SATLIFE

40

1.75

.44

39

1.33

.48

RELREL

39

1.54

.51

41

1.22

.42

NTEEN

41

2.65

1.29

42

2.86

1.24

AGREEVO

22

2.73

1.12

31

3.55

.68

COLCHANG

38

1.32

.47

41

1.15

.36

EXBOTHR

37

4.55

1.82

42

6.19

1.44

ICOBOTHR

37

6.97

1.82

42

6.68

2.23

Individual Psychosocial Functioning. Variables relevant to individual psychosocial functioning indicated some similarities between the two groups, but also important differences with regard to previous psychotherapy and teenage problems. Specifically, 62% of cult-involved people had had psychotherapy prior to joining the cult, while only 33% of the contrast group had had psychotherapy. The parents' perception of difficulty with their children, rated on a scale from very easy to very difficulty varied during development stages. No differences between groups were found when rating difficulty with children as babies, up to five years, or during latency, six to twelve years. During teenage years, however, differences between groups did emerge with cult parents perceiving their teenage children as more difficult than did the contrast parents. These data support the first hypothesis predicting more psychosocial difficulties for the cult-involved group prior to cult involvement. Academically, both groups performed quite well with a combined grade point average of 3.24 (high B's) and no significant differences between groups. All young people had finished high school and all had some college, with some having finished college, some continuing, and a minority having dropped out. There were no differences in the reported number or quality of friendships between cult and contrast groups. Both sets of parents reported an average number of two to three after-school activities per child during high school. There were no differences in number of jobs or amount of time worked at each job. Parents exhibited some inconsistency in their knowledge of their children's romantic involvements. Specifically, 24% of the cult parents failed to report any romantic involvements at all for their children prior to cult involvement, while only 11% of the contrast parents reported

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 12

nothing. This may mean that cult parents simply knew less of this information than the contrast parents. However, it may represent a real difference in dating behavior between the two groupsFamily relations and patterns of interaction. The Family Environment Scale indicated that there was a significant difference between cult and contrast families (multivariate F = 2.81, p. <.006). The scales which contributed significantly to this effect were Expressiveness (univariate F = 7.66, p <.007) and Intellectual-Cultural Orientation (univariate F = 7.66, p <.0.45). The means for these two scales indicate that cult families were lower on Expressiveness but higher on Intellectual-Cultural Orientation. The two groups of families differed in other ways also. The parents in the contrast group indicated more satisfaction with their child in general and also around more specific issues, e.g., satisfaction with the child's past job performance. These data support the second hypothesis predicting differences between the two sets of families in our sample. On a number of indices such as synagogue attendance, religious school attendance, and degree of orthodoxy, contrast families indicated greater religiosity than cult families. This is not surprising considering that the contrast families were drawn from a sample of people actively working in the Jewish community. More surprising, however, was the finding that the cult-involved families had more orthodox relatives and more relatives in cults. Pre-cult stress. Changes in the young person's life just prior to cult involvement were investigated by examining explicit life dissatisfactions and stressors 12 months prior to cult involvement for the cult-involved group and 12 months prior to the interview for the contrast group. Cult parents reported that their cult-involved child was explicitly dissatisfied with some aspect of his or her life (74%) as opposed to only 38% of the contrast parents. The parents of those in cults noted that the children had experienced a significant loss (e.g., death of a friend or close relative, the end of a romantic relationship, etc.) in the year prior to joining the cult. Those who joined cults also changed colleges more frequently than the contrast group. Finally, 23% of the cult-involved young people had had previous experiences with other cult groups. The third hypothesis, predicting no differences in proximal precult stress, was not supported. Nevertheless, the interactional hypothesis, that experienced stress is a function of life events and interpersonal dynamics, cannot be ruled out from the available evidence. Multivariate Data Analysis An alternative to simply reporting the hypotheses tested was to use statistical techniques to make sense of the entire data matrix. Hundreds of variables were obtained from each family, making data reduction a necessity. Guided by our initial hypotheses and our descriptive data analysis, we sought to further reduce the data into manageable and comprehensible components. Correlation matrices were analyzed. As the most robust variables were isolated, they were grouped into three discrete constructs: 1) the Vulnerability factor, which related to the psychological vulnerability of the individual and comprised measures of recent loss, general life dissatisfaction, problems in the teen years, and frequency of changes in academic institutions; 2) the Family factor, which related to parental attitudes toward the target individual and comprised measures of parental satisfaction with school performance, the child in general, parental agreement about vocational choices, and familial style of emotional expressiveness; 3) the Search factor, which was a post hoc category accounting for a unique proportion of the variance and comprising measures of extended familial religiosity and nuclear familial orientation toward intellectual and cultural activities. Discriminant analysis tested the predictive power of the three constructs: Vulnerability, Family, and Search. Measurement theory (Nunnally, 1978) demonstrates the efficacy of multiple indicators on the reliability of measuring research constructs. As a resul4 composite scores consisting of means were used as discriminating variables, where each variable in the analysis represented one of the three constructs. The Average Squared Canonical Correlation was 0.40 (Wilks' Lambda = 0.60, F (3, 82) = 17.9, p <.001). In other words, discriminant analysis Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 13

demonstrated that the three composite variables are significantly powerful predictors of cult involvement. (See Table 4, page 13, for the summary information.) Table 5, page 14, represents a breakdown of those who would be correctly and incorrectly classified using this procedure. Approximately 82% of the noncult group would be correctly classified versus 71 % of the cult group; that is to say, this procedure correctly classified 66 of the 86 subjects. (2) Descriptive statistics for the three variables can be found in Table 6, page 15. The full correlation matrix, summarizing the relationships among variables, is found in Table 7, page 16. (Text continues on page 16.) Table 4 Discriminant Analysis and Canonical Correlations of Three Composite Variables to Predict Cult Involvement Variable

# in

Wilks‘

Prob <

Avg. Squared

Lambda Lambda Cannonican

Prob>

Correlation

ASCC

Family

1

0.72

.001

0.27

.001

Vulnerability

2

0.62

.001

0.37

.001

Search

3

0.60

.001

0.40

.001

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 14

Table 5 Discriminant Analysis Classification Summary: Posterior Probabilities of Group Membership From Group:

Classified Into:

Noncult

Cult

Total

Noncult

37

8

45

Observatons

82.22

17.78

100.00

Percent

12

29

41

Observations

29.27

70.73

100.00

Percent

Total

49

37

86

Total percent

56.98

43.02

100.00

Priors

0.500

0.500

Cult

Table 6 Descriptive Statistics of Composite Variables Used in Discriminant Analysis Variable

N

Mean

Standard Deviation

Vulnerability

87

1.88

.46

Family

87

3.63

.81

Search

86

4.10

1.42

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 15

Table 7 Correlation Matrix of All Variables' Contributions to Cult Involvement

Name

Grou p

Satp erf

Satg en

Loss

Satlif e

Relrel

Ntee n

Agre evo

Colc hang

Enbo thr

Lcob oth

Vuln erbl

Fami ly

Sear ch

Group

1

-.25

-.24

0.29

0.42

0.33

0.10

-.42

0.20

-.45

0.07

0.46

-.53

0.02

Satperf

-.25

1

0.22

-.15

-.19

-.07

-.35

0.23

-.28

-.05

0.20

-.39

0.34

0.03

Satgen

-.24

0.22

1

-.33

-.01

0.08

-.32

0.12

-.07

0.10

0.18

-.36

0.57

0.15

Loss

0.29

-.15

-.33

1

0.26

0.10

0.12

-.04

0.04

-.12

0.21

0.48

-.30

0.04

Satlife

0.42

-.19

-.01

.26

1

0.40

0.15

-.25

0.20

-.19

0.17

0.51

-.19

0.17

Relrel

0.33

-.07

0.08

0.10

0.40

1

0.09

-.20

0.03

-.05

0.03

0.21

-.05

0.31

Nteen

0.30

-.35

-.32

0.12

0.15

0.09

1

-.14

0.19

-.13

0.19

0.84

-.30

0.10

Agreev o

-.42

0.23

0.12

-.04

-.25

-.20

-.14

1

-.06

0.19

0.12

-/24

0.55

0.05

Colcha ng

0.20

0.28

-.07

0.08

0.20

0.03

0.19

-.06

1

0.02

0.01

0.44

-.09

.01

Exboth r

-.45

-.05

0.10

-.12

-.19

-.05

-.13

0.19

0.02

1

0.12

-.16

0.72

0.13

Icoboth r

0.07

0.20

.18

0.21

0.17

0.03

0.19

0.12

0.01

0.12

1

0.25

0.17

0.83

Vulner bl

0.46

-.39

0.36

0.48

0.51

0.21

0.84

-.24

0.44

-.16

0.25

1

-.31

0.18

Family

-.53

0.34

0.57

-.30

-.19

0.05

-.30

0.55

-.09

0.72

0.17

.31

1

0.40

Search

0.02

0.03

0.15

0.04

0.17

0.31

0.10

0.05

-.03

0.13

0.83

0.18

0.40

1

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 16

Discussion Formal science proceeds, ideally, from observations to the formulation of hypotheses, to the testing of these hypotheses. The descriptive analyses, in the first part of the results section, indicate that two of our three initial hypotheses were supported and that both individual psychosocial and family factors play a significant role in cult involvement. However, although we began our research with formal hypotheses in mind, we found that in this relatively uncharted region these hypotheses were somewhat premature. In order to illuminate better the topic under study, we have presented a somewhat unorthodox multivariate analysis of the data in the second part of the results section. The three composite variables in this section, Family, Vulnerability, and Search, seem to represent our findings in a more concise and intelligible synthesis that in some respects goes beyond our initial hypotheses. For example, because stress and vulnerability were impossible for us to tease apart we combined indices of both into the Vulnerability composite variable. Although this operation precluded an unambiguous test of the interaction hypothesis (that felt stress is an interaction of life events and intrapsychic dynamics), the added power of the Vulnerability variable, which included developmental stressors as well as proximal life stressors, seemed to contribute more to our understanding of the phenomena at hand. In another example, the Search variable addressed the important but neglected question of why cults per se, rather than other avenues of nonconformity, were selected by some young people. In the present study of families, all drawn from the Jewish community, we found the usual incidence of young men and women from upper-middle income, intact families becoming involved in cult groups (Levine & Salter, 1976; Ungerleider & Wellisch, 1979). However, through an examination of the individual histories and family patterns of interaction, significant differences between the cult-involved and noncult-involved families did emerge and the first two hypotheses were supported. The cult-involved families were found to be more concerned with political, social, intellectual and cultural activities (i.e., Intellectual-Cultural Orientation). They were also less likely to allow and encourage individual family members to act openly and express feelings directly (i.e., Expressiveness). Moreover, these parents indicated less satisfaction with their children than did the noncult-involved parents even though, for example, both groups valued high achievement and both groups of young people did, in fact, perform very well academically. The data pertaining to family religious involvement is difficult to interpret because the two groups differed on some key variables by their very nature. That is, it was not surprising to find that those families involved in Jewish communal activities (i.e., the pool from which the contrast families were drawn) put a greater emphasis on religious practice and training than the cultinvolved families. Surprisingly, however, cult-involved families reported having more orthodox relatives and more relatives in cults than the contrast families. The cult-involved Jewish child, then, is more likely to come from a family in which the immediate family members are not involved in a spiritual life but, in contrast, extended family members are involved. Even though religious life is not central to the parents, they also are searchers inasmuch as they pursue esthetic and cultural values. Perhaps this leads to a tension within the child that cannot easily be expressed within the family, given the tendency among these families to diminish expressiveness. Young persons from such families explore spiritual alternatives. If they are sufficiently vulnerable, they will be easily manipulated by the slick recruitment techniques of the more dubious cults. The Search factor may be operative at this point, at least in the Jewish families of the present study. A subtle contradiction in the cult-involved families apparently has significant ramifications. On the one hand, family members are encouraged to broaden their political and cultural activity; while on the other hand, they are simultaneously discouraged from expressing their own feelings and reactions to their experience. Herz and Rosen (1982) observe that ―the focus on self-expression, high achievement, and verbal skiffs interacts with the willingness to express pain and anger to Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 17

form a pattern typical of Jewish families‖ (p. 372). Data from the present study offer empirical support for these observations. However, when key elements of the typical pattern are missing, e.g., diminished emphasis on expressiveness, an unbalanced, atypical family pattern may emerge and may leave children vulnerable to cult recruitment The significance of the Family factor may lie in just these inconsistencies. Although there were no differences between cult and contrast groups in academic performance and friendships, there was some evidence that the cult-involved group may have dated less. Parents of cult-involved children found their children more difficult during the teenage years and their children had more experience with psychotherapy. In addition, it was found that those young persons who became involved in cults tended to be more dissatisfied with their lives, to change colleges more often, and to have experienced a major loss prior to joining the cult. These data are consistent with previous findings (Galanter, Rabkin, Rabkin, & Deutsch, 1979; Levine & Salter, 1976), and support the hypothesis of moderate pre-cult psychosocial difficulties, as expressed by the Vulnerability factor in the rnultivariate analysis. The interaction between stressful life events and individual psychosocial difficulties did emerge as a feature in the lives of the cult-involved young people. The context of the family is important, however, and the present study indicates that a predisposing family environment, i.e., the Family factor, may be very common, perhaps even necessary, but not sufficient to explain vulnerability to cult recruitment The data indicate that a vulnerable child within a vulnerable family system completes the picture. It is particularly striking how these families resemble the psychosomatic families described by Minuchin and his colleagues (Minuchin, Rosman, & Baker, 1978). In the families they describe, the psychosomatic child was especially sensitive to family stress. We may speculate that a similar sensitivity existing in cult-involved family members is not expressed somatically, but in the act of cult affiliation. The period of greatest difficulty for the young people in this study was adolescence, and here the Vulnerability factor was evident. The major developmental task of this period is to struggle with problems of identity formation (Erikson, 1966) and the transition to adulthood (Levinson, 1978). The normal ups and downs of this period are stressful for most young people. The evidence from the present study indicates, however, that the cult-involved youth had more than their share of psychosocial difficulties, and, as a result, had more difficulty negotiating this period. As they entered young adulthood they experienced more dissatisfactions with their own lives and continued to experience the pressure to achieve and meet parental expectations. This, then, was the kind of enduring stress within the young person who encountered the cult recruiter. The cults offered simple solutions to difficult problems in late adolescence and, for those who were vulnerable, the lure was irresistible. For those who were particularly susceptible, powerful technologies of psychological manipulation interacted with psychological vulnerability to attract them along developmental detours from which some, only with great difficulty, found their way back. Notes 1. Due to the large number of questions asked and the interview format itself, some questions were not answered by some participants. Rather than lose all information from these subjects, the decision was made to proceed with data analyses despite instances of missing data. (See Table 2 and Table 6 for a more precise breakdown.) 2. For some of these analyses, N = 86 due to missing data (see note 1). References Brooks, A. (1986, April 26). Cults and the aged. A new family issue. The New York Times, p. 31. Carter, B., and McGoldrick, M. (Eds.), (1980). The family life cycle. New York Gardner. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 18

Clark, J.G. (1979). Cults. Journal of the American Medical Association, 242, 179-181. Clark, J.G., Langone, M.D., Schecter, R.E., and Daly, R.C. (1981). Destructive cult conversion: Theory, research, and treatment. Weston, MA: American Family Foundation. Cohen, J., and Cohen, P. (1975). Applied multiple regressionlcorrelation analysis for the behavioral scientist. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Conason, J., and McGarrahan, E. (1986, April 22). Escape from utopia. The Village Voice, 19-26. Crowne, DD., and Marlowe, D.A. (1964). The approval motive. New York: Wiley. Erickson, E.H. (1966). Identity youth, and crisis. New York: W.W. Norton. Galanter, M., and Buckley, P. (1978). Evangelical religion and meditation: Psychotherapeutic effect Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 166, 685- 691. Galanter, M., Rabkin, R., Rabkin, J., and Deutsch, A. (1979). The ―Moonies‖: A psychological study of conversion and membership in a contemporary religious sect American Journal of Psychiatry, 136, 165-170. Gitelson, I.B., and Reed, EJ. (198 1). Identity status of Jewish youth pre- and post-cult involvement Journal of Jewish Communal Service, 57, 312-320. Herz, F.M., and Rosen, EJ. (1982). Jewish families. In M. McGoldrick, J.& Pearce, and J. Giordano (Eds.), Ethnicity and family therapy (364-392). New York. Guildford Press. Hoffman, J. (1986, April 28). Inside Jews for Jesus. New York, 4248. Langone, M.D. (1985). Cult involvement Suggestions for concerned parents and professionals. Cultic Studies Journal, 2, 148-168. Levine, S.V. (1984, August). Radical departures. Psychology Today, 20-27. Levine, S.V., and Salter, N.E. (1976). Youth and contemporary religious movements: Psychosocial findings. Canadian Psychiatric Association Journal, 21, 411420. Levinson, D.J. (1978). The seasons of a man's life. New York: Knopf. Marciano, T.D. (1981). Families and cults. Marriage and Family Review, 4, 101-118. Markowitz, A- (1983). The role of family therapy in the treatment of symptoms associated with cult affiliation. In D.A. Halperin (Ed.), Psychodynamic perspectives on religion, sect, and cult, (323-332). Littleton, MA: John Wright, PSG. Minuchin, S., Montalvo, B., Guerney, B., Rosman, B., and Schumer, F. (1967). Families of the slums. New York: Basic Books. Minuchin, S., Rosman, B., and Schumer, F. (1978). Psychosomatic families. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Moos, R.H., and Moos, B.S. (1981). Family environment scale: Manual. Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press, Inc. Moskowitz, D.S., and Schwarz, J.C. (1982). A validity comparison of behavior counts and ratings by knowledgeable informants. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 42, 518-528. Nunnally, J.C. (1978). Psychometric theory. New York: McGraw-Hill. Robbins, T., and Anthony, D. (1982). Cults, culture, and community. In F. Kaslow and M. Sussman (Eds.), Cults and the family. New York: Haworth Press. Schwartz, L.L. (1978). Cults and the vulnerability of Jewish youth. Jewish Education, 46,23-26. Schwartz, L.L., and Kaslow, F. (1979). Religious cults, the individual, and the family. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 15, 80-83.

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Schwartz, L.L., and Kaslow, F.W. (1981). The cult phenomenon: Historical, sociological, and familial factors contributing to their development and appeal. Marriage and Family Review, 4, 3-30. Schwarz, I.C., Barton-Henry, M.L., and Pruzinsky, T. (1985). Assessing child-rearing behaviors: A comparison of ratings made by mother, father, child, and sibling on the CRPBI. Child Development, 56, 462A79. Singer, M.T. (1979, Jan.). Coming out of the cults. Psychology Today, 72- 82. Sirkin, M., Markowitz, A., and Grellong, B. (1983). A discontinuous model of destructive cults and cult-like groups. Cultic Studies Newsletter, 2, 1 A. Ungerleider, J.T., and Wellisch, D.K. (1979). Coercive persuasion (brainwashing), religious cults, and deprogramming. American Journal of Psychiatry, 36, 279-282. Wynne, L., Ryckoff, M., Day, I., and Hirsch, S. (1958). Pseudomutuality in the family relations of schizophrenics. Psychiatry, 21, 205-220. Authors' Notes Many people assisted in the preparation and presentation of this research. Arnold Markowitz and David Halperin from the Cult Hot-line and Clinic, Morris Black, Director of Community Services JBFCS, and Philip Abramowitz from the Task Force on Missionaries and Cults of the Jewish Community Relations Council assisted us in the planning stages. Donna Perlow, Meri Weider, Lu Steinberg, Shayna Levy, Suzanne Black, and Elizabeth Epstein assisted in data collection and coding. Sterling Green provided statistical expertise, and secretarial assistance from Ramah Solomon and Karen Nelson was also greatly appreciated. The research was supported by generous grants to JBFCS from the Margate Foundation, Jay Ungerleider-Mayerson, the Majorie Dammann Research Fund, and the New Land Foundation. All requests for reprints should be addressed to Dr. Bruce Grellong at the Jewish Board of Family and Children's Services, 120 West 57th St, New York, NY 10019. Mark Sirkin, Ph. D. is a clinical psychologist who was project director of the Cult Research Project of the Jewish Board of Family and Children's Services in New York City. He is the Psychology Chair of the Professional Education Committee of the American Family Foundation and on the faculty of the Department of Psychiatry of the University of Rochester Medical Center. Bruce A. Grellong, Ph. D. is the Chief Psychologist of the Jewish Board of Family and Children's Services in New York City. He continues to be closely involved in the development and coordination of the research program at the JBFCS Cult Clinic. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1981, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 2-22. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 20

Family Environment as a Factor in Vulnerability to Cult Involvement* Neil Maron, Ph. D. Joel Braverman High School Brooklyn, New York Abstract The purpose of this investigation was to determine whether a relationship exists between parental perceptions of the family environment of cult members and vulnerability to cult involvement. Thirty-five families, recruited at a convention of the Citizens Freedom Foundation, a non-profit support group for parents whose offspring are/were in cults, were compared with 35 families recruited from community centers and churches in the New York Metropolitan Area. Data were collected retrospectively on self-report measures: the Moos Family Environment Scale and a Family Questionnaire. Univariate tests and discriminant analysis found that the families differed only in one of the ten subscales (Independence) of the Family Environment Scale, with the cult group having higher mean scale scores than the comparison group. In general, the results were consistent with Singer's (1979), Swope's (1980), Clark's (1981), and Carr's (198 1) findings that the familial factor is not important in cult involvement and that members are typically recruited within twelve months of experiencing one of eight stressful events. Introduction The study reported here investigates the role of the family as a predisposing factor in cult involvement. Data based on parental perceptions were collected in retrospective self-report questionnaires from a sample of families in which one offspring was/is a cult member and a comparison sample of families without such offspring. Various theorists and researchers have focused on three categories of supposed vulnerability factors: personal factors, recruitment psychodynamic factors, and familial factors. (See Ash, 1985 for a detailed review of this subject.) Family factors have had negligible attention in the literature, and this study attempts to partly fill that void. It is hypothesized that not all youngsters are equally vulnerable to cull involvement and that familial factors play an important role in vulnerability - specifically, enmeshment, family psychopathology, moral-religious emphasis, achievement orientation, and intellectual-cultural orientation. There are many different theories regarding the background of cultists prior to membership. Schwartz and Kaslow (1979) and Zerin (1982) emphasize the role of the family as a predisposing factor to involvement. In their studies, Schwam and Kaslow (1979) and Vickers (1977) reported patterns of overly enmeshed families, families in which taking responsibility for each other is the hallmark Young people in such families are uncomfortable entering an adult world that values autonomy. Hence, according to Schwartz and Kaslow, for the cult member the group often represents a solution to the conflicts aroused b) society's demands for autonomy. However, Clark (1979), Clark, Langone, Schecter, and Daly (1981), Singer (1982), and Swope (1980), basing their studies on extensive interviews with cult families, find that most cult members come from normal family environment and have merely been manipulated by a Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 21

―Madison Avenue‖ type technique during a vulnerable period in their lives. One such instance occurs when a person goes to college away from home and confronts the need to manage time and make new relationships. Another point may be just before or after college graduation while moving from the structured student life into the world of work. The loss of important relationships, such as breaking up with a boyfriend or girlfriend, o the death of a close relative, are noted, as are other stressful periods of transition. These periods occur in the lives of most young people, but some of them are in the wrong place at the wrong time, so to speak, and are pulled into the cult. In sum, relatively little professional literature has focused on the psychologies determinants of cult conversion, and what is available sheds little light on the role of the family in susceptibility to involvement Part of the problem with which this study attempts to cope is that in measuring family life, no unidimensional model suffices to accurately measure family functioning. Recent efforts have focused on identifying unifying dimensions (family interactions and developing standardized multidimensional assessment instruments. The Family Environment Scale (FES), which is used in this study, is a self-report instrument that focuses on the interpersonal relationships among family members, the directions of personal growth emphasized in the family, and the family's organization and system-maintenance characteristics. The FES approach was initially developed by Moos (1974), who adopted a perspective which assumes that ―environments have unique personalities just as people do.‖ The logic of the family environment approach is that the environmental climate of the family exerts a directional influence on the behavior of all its members. The focus of the present study is on the family environments of 35 families in which one member has/had a cult involvement. These families are compared with a group of 35 families, randomly selected from membership lists of suburban community centers and churches, with offspring between the ages of 18 and 30 who have not entered a cult. The aims of the study are: a) to assess the family environments, as retrospectively perceived by the parents, prior to their offspring's cult membership, and, b) to see if and how this environment differs from that perceived by parents of a matched control sample. It is assumed that such differences should provide useful insights about vulnerability or non- vulnerability to cult involvement. Samples The sample for the experimental group was drawn from a population of 300 parents who attended a convention of the Citizens Freedom Foundation in Washington, D.C., in October 1982. (The Citizens Freedom Foundation, now called the Cult Awareness Network, is an organization developed by parents to provide information and support for other parents with children in cults.) Within this population 145 packets were distributed to the parents at the welcoming desk during registration. The sample of 35 intact families studied, who represented 25% of the packet recipients, were those who followed all of the instructions and returned all of the materials and were therefore usable respondents for the research. The average age of the cult offspring of the sample families was 26.6 at the time of the study and 21.5 at the time of joining the cult. The average number of siblings was 3.5. In 21 families the cult member was male and in 14 the cult member was female. Seventeen families were Protestant. 11 were Catholic, and 7 were Jewish. All were Caucasian with an average income between $25,000 and $30,000. The following cults are represented in this study: the Unification Church, Children of God, Church of Scientology, Divine Light Mission, Hare Krishna, and the Way International. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 22

To constitute a comparison sample, Caucasian families with offspring between the ages of 18 and 30 were randomly selected from the membership lists of two Jewish Community Centers, a Catholic Church, a Lutheran Church, a Congregational Church, and a Unitarian Church. All of these organizations are located in the New York Metropolitan Area. Research packets containing the information instruments and a self-addressed stamped envelope were mailed to all of these families. Each packet also included one of six different letters. In order to ensure that the parents would choose children of different ordinal positions and focus on one specific child, one child was pre-selected. The letters asked the parents to either focus on the eldest, a middle, or the youngest child. Thirty-five families, representing 25% of those to whom the packets were mailed, followed all of the instructions and returned all of the instruments and were therefore usable respondents for the research. The comparison sample thus consisted of 35 intact middle income ($25,000 - $30,000) Caucasian families, one of whose children was between the ages of 18 and 30. The average age of the offspring focused on was 26.2 at the time of testing, the average number of siblings was 3.1. In 20 families a mate member was focused on and in 15 families a female was focused on. Ten Catholic families, 16 Jewish, and 9 Protestant families comprised this sample. Measures Family Environment Scale Form R The FES, a scale developed by Moos and his associates, was chosen because the FES is a multidimensional measure of family life. In addition, it was reported by Dreyer (1971) to be ―biased towards a middle-class, Anglo-Saxon nuclear family with two parents.‖ These types of families comprise the research sample The FES presents family members with 90 true/false statements dealing with 11 substantive dimensions of the family social environment. A family score is achieved by averaging the parents' scores in each subscale. The scale was adapted specifically for the present study. The parents were instructed to respond to the questions retrospectively rather than in the present in view of the underlying assumption of normal distribution and the likely distortions resulting from using the FES retrospectively, it seemed advisable t( use raw scores in this study. The FES had been used retrospectively by Penk Robinowitz, Kidd, and Nisle (1979), and Pringle (1976). However, they relied on standard scores. The enmeshed family is assumed to have a high level of cohesiveness and a low level of individual decision-making, which are represented in a high score on the cohesion scale and a low score on the independence scale of the FES. Thus, enmeshment was measured by averaging the parent score for the cohesion and independence scales. Family Questionnaire (Cult Families) This questionnaire, developed in conjunction with the Jewish Board of Family and Children's Services Research Team on Cults, is a 32-item questionnaire requiring either short answers or forced-choice responses. The parents were asked to discuss each question with one another and to formulate one answer together. The items cover specific information on the cult member's background, including: present age, age at recruitment, number of siblings and their ages, and school, social, and health history. It also asks specific questions about the cult member's family's health history, religious affiliation and level of observance, and demographics (marital status, education, vocation and income). In addition, the parents were asked if, to the best of their knowledge, in the twelve months prior to cult membership the cult member experienced any of the following events: death of a close friend, sickness of a close relative or friend, broken romantic relationship, loss of a job, frustration in finding a job, failure at school, extensive travel in the United States/overseas and/or abrupt personality change. 'Me parents were asked to check all of the experiences that occurred.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 23

Family Questionnaire (Comparison Families) This is a 26-item questionnaire, similar to the Cult Family Questionnaire except that six questions regarding issues of cult involvement were not included. Parents were requested to focus in on either their eldest, one of their middle, or youngest child. They were also asked to discuss each question and to formulate one answer jointly. One of the questions asked the parents if their children had experienced any or all of eight stressful events in any 12-month period between 18 and 30. This question represented an attempt to elicit information parallel to that gathered in the Cult Family Questionnaire. However, it became apparent that this instruction did not necessarily specify a period similar to the year prior to cult involvement in the cult group. Procedures As described above, one hundred and forty-five cult-family research packets were handed out at the welcoming desk at the Citizens Freedom Foundation convention in Washington, D.C., in October 1982. The packets included the Family Environment Scale Form R, an appropriate Family Questionnaire, and a self-addressed stamped envelope which the participants were requested to mail back to the researcher at their earliest possible convenience if they were unable to complete the packet at the convention itself. The critical directives were to hand the packets in by the last day of the convention. However, only three families handed the completed materials back by the end of the convention. This was due to the fact that both parents were not present at the convention or to the lack of time due to programming at the convention. One-half of the packets contained a letter of instructions asking them first to complete the Fan-dly Environment Scale Form R individually and then the Family Questionnaire together. The other half were asked to jointly complete the Family Questionnaire first and then separately to complete the Family Environment Scale Form R. This procedure controls for the effect of the order of presentation of the instruments. The instruction letter told the parents to fill out FES Form R retrospectively, referring them to when their offspring was between 16 and 18. This age range was chosen since it typically precedes the time when the child may have gone off to college and is often the last time many families are intact. Of the 145 cult-family research packets that were handed out, 51 (359'o of the total) were returned. Of those, 35 (25% of the 145) came from two-parent families and contained both parents' Family Environment Scales and the Family Questionnaire; 8 (5.5%) were returned with only one Family Environment Scale completed due to death, divorce, or reluctance of the other parent to participate; 4 (2.8%) were returned with only the Family Questionnaire; and 4 (2.8%) were returned missing the Family Questionnaire. To constitute a comparison group, 145 Caucasian families with offspring between 18 and 30 were randomly selected from the membership lists of New York area Jewish Community Centers and Catholic and Protestant Churches, a., mentioned earlier. Research packets containing the Family Environment Scale Form R, an appropriate Family Questionnaire, and a self-addressed stamped envelope were mailed to all these families. A letter of introduction and instructions requested the parents to fill out the Family Questionnaire jointly an( the FES Form R separately, and gave instructions for the order of filling then out. The parents were instructed to fill out the Family Environment Scale, retrospectively, as of the time their youngster was between 16 and 18. Of the 145 packets mailed, 43 (30%) were returned; 35 (25% of the 145 contained the Family Questionnaire and a completed FES Form R from each parent. Five were returned by single parents and 3 (2%) were returned with only the Family Questionnaire. Of all the returned packets, 19 of those who were instructed to complete the Family Environment Scale first were included in the analysis and 16 who were instructed to complete the Family Questionnaire first. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 24

Participants of both groups were assured of confidentiality; their names never appeared on either the Family Environment Scale or the Family Questionnaire. Three different types of statistical analyses were performed on the data. A discriminant analysis tested for the hypothesized differences between the experimental and comparison group. A cluster analysis of the ten FES subscales as separate dimensions was done to see if any patterns would develop that would discriminate between the groups. In addition, tests were performed on al; questionnaire variables to test for significance. The primary analysis compares the experimental and comparison groups on the basis of the results of the Family Environment Scale computations. The Family Questionnaire has been used as a supportive secondary source of information to augment the findings of the Family Profile supplied by the Family Environment Scale. Hypotheses The following hypotheses were proposed: 1. That parents of cult members would perceive their families as being more enmeshed (high parental expectations, lack of individuation, fluid boundaries) than the comparison group (as evidenced by a higher score on the Cohesion subscale and a lower score on the Independence subscale for families of cult members as compared to the comparison group.). 2. That parents of cult members would report a higher incidence of psychopathology in their families as compared with the comparison group (as reflected by their responses to the questionnaire item regarding reported psychopathology in the immediate or extended family). 3. That parents of cult members would perceive their family environments as having less moral religious emphasis than the comparison group (as evidenced by a lower score on the FES Moral-Religious Emphasis subscale for the cult group). 4. That parents of cult members would perceive their family environments as having stronger achievement orientation than the comparison group (as reflected by a higher scale score on the FES Achievement subscale on the Family Environment Scale for the cult families). 5. That parents of cult members would perceive their family environments as having greater intellectual-cultural orientation than the comparison group (as evidenced by higher scores on the Intellectual-Cultural Orientation subscale for the cult families). Results Data were collected from 35 parent couples in an experimental (cult) group and from 35 parent couples in a comparison group. Of the 70 cases processed, two were excluded from the former group in the discrimination analysis as they lacked complete data for at least one discriminant variable. In sum, 33 cult cases and 35 comparison cases were used in the discriminant analysis. In addition, an analysis of 60 of the families, controlled for religion, was made in an attempt to see whether classifying families on the basis of clusters of parentally perceived characteristics would yield significant distinctions between the two family types. In the 68 cases in the discriminant analysis, the average age of the pertinent offspring was 26 at the time of the study. The families in both samples averaged four offspring. The average educational level of the offspring discussed was two years of college with a B average. The majority of the fathers of these children had graduated from college, whereas the typical mother attended college but did not graduate. The two samples differed significantly (p <.02) in the distribution of self-declared religious affiliation. In the cult group 51% were Protestant, 21% Catholic, and 22% Jewish. The comparison group consisted of 23% Protestant, 27% Catholic, and 50% Jewish families. Whether Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 25

this difference results from distinctions in the two universes from which the samples were drawn or from differential response rates within those populations cannot be determined. Table I Raw Scores Discriminating Cult and Comparison Offspring at Statistically Significant Levels Variable

Cult Group

Comparison Group

P

Mean

Standard Deviation

Mean

Standard Deviation

Friendships

2.58

.62

2.96

.38

.01

Romantic Involvement

1.22

.92

1.76

1.04

.04

Alcohol Use

1.67

.79

2.1

.75

.03

Religious Training

2.09

.64

2.54

.98

.03

On the variables measured by the Family Questionnaire, a Wilkes Lambda (i.e, correlation test) revealed that the groups differed significantly on only four out of twenty possible variables. As shown in Table 1, the cult offspring were reported as having fewer close friendships, fewer romantic involvements, less alcohol use, and less religious training. Friendship was rated on a one to three scale representing no relationships, casual relationships, and close relationships. The score of 2.96 for the comparison group means that on the average these offspring had closer relationships with friends than the cult offspring, as reported by their parents. In the case of Romantic Involvements, the study scores show that on the average the comparison group offspring had close to two romantic involvements, whereas the cult group member on the average had only one romance, as reported by their parents. As reported by parents, the comparison group offspring on the average used alcohol occasionally; the average cult offspring was a less frequent user. This score was based on a 3-point scale where scores of 1, 2, and 3 respectively represented no alcohol use, occasional use, and frequent use. The average amount of reported religious training in the comparison group was significantly greater than that in the cult group. Approximately 50% of the comparison group had at least parochial school training, while the average cult group member only attended Sunday School. In addition, all cult offspring were parentally reported on the Family Questionnaire to have experienced at least one of eight stressful experiences in the twelve-month period prior to cult involvement: death of a close friend or relative; sickness of a close friend or relative; broken romantic relationship; loss of a job; frustration in finding a job; failure at school; extensive travel in the USA or overseas; abrupt personality change. Data for the comparison group were not suitable for comparative scoring on this factor. These distinctions are not among those specifically set forth hypothetically at the start of the study, but appeared as the result of an analysis undertaken after the findings directly related to the study hypotheses proved unrewarding. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 26

Tests of Hypotheses The first hypothesis of the study states that the parents of cult members will report greater family enmeshment than the comparison group parents will report. Enmeshment was measured by averaging the scores for both parents on the Cohesion and Independence subscales, as suggested by Moos (1983). As shown in Table 2, discriminant analysis tests revealed no significant difference between the levels of perceived enmeshment. Plus, the hypothesis was not supported. Table 2 Summary of Data Pertinent to Five Hypotheses Hypothesis

Cult Group

Comparison Group

P

Mean

Standard Deviation

Mean

Standard Deviation

Enmeshment

4.98

.84

5.08

1.14

.59

Psychopathology

1.54

.50

1.42

.50

.40

Moral-Religious

5.51

1.92

5.00

2.26

.30

Achievement Orientation

5.64

1.61

5.80

1.52

.71

Intellectual orientation

6.90

1.58

6.70

2.22

.67

The second hypothesis states that the families of cult members will have a higher incidence of psychopathology, as parentally reported on the family questionnaire, than will families in the comparison group. This variable was measured on a two-point scale. A score of 1 indicated no reported psychopathology in the family; a score of 2 reflected a report of psychopathology in the family. As shown in Table 2, the two means are almost identical; thus, this hypothesis was not supported. Hypothesis three states that parents of cult members will perceive their families as evidencing less moral religious emphasis than will non-cult parents. The Moral Religious Emphasis FES subscale measures ―the degree of emphasis on ethical and religious issues and values in the family.‖ As Table 2 shows, there is no significant difference between the self-reported moral religious emphasis in the two classes of families. Thus, the third hypothesis was not supported. Hypothesis four states that families whose offspring entered cults have stronger achievement orientation than the comparison group, as perceived by the parents. The FES Achievement Orientation subscale measures the ―extent to which activities are cast into an achievement oriented or competitive framework.‖ As seen in Table 2, discriminant analysis tests show no significant difference between the degree of achievement orientation in the two groups of families. Thus, hypothesis four was not supported. Hypothesis five states that the families of cult members have a greater intellectual-cultural orientation than do families without cult members, as parentally perceived. ne Intellectual Cultural Orientation subscale measures ―the degree of interest in political, social, intellectual and cultural activities.‖ Table 2 shows that there was no significant difference between the cult and comparison groups. Thus, hypothesis five was not confirmed. In an additional attempt to see if cult members and comparison members could be differentiated, family profiles based on a three cluster solution using a k-means algorithm (Hartigan, 1975) were Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 27

compiled. The clusters were based on the ten subscales of the Family Environment Scale. As shown in Table 3, three distinct family clusters were found. Cluster I consisted of families who perceived their environment as highly supportive, controlling, and organized, yet a high amount of conflict, self-expression, and independence was evidenced. The families in Cluster 2 perceived their environment as low in control and moral- religious emphasis with an average amount of support, self-expression, and independence. Cluster 3 consisted of families who perceived their environments as highly supportive and organized, with a high moral religious emphasis. However, conflict and self-expression were extremely low in these families. Table 3 Cluster Profiles Based on Clustering 10 FES Subscale Variables Cluster 1

Cluster 2

Cluster 3

Cohesion

7.84

6.45

8.00

Expressiveness

5.53

5.10

4.96

Conflict

5.23

3.10

1.40

Independence

7.84

7.15

7.22

Achievement-Orientation

7.00

5.05

5.74

Achievement-Culture Orientation

7.76

6.50

6.53

Active Recreational

6.00

5.80

5.88

Moral Religious Emphasis

5.69

3.05

6.77

Organization

6.46

5.65

6.74

Control

6.15

4.00

4.70

However, as shown in Table 4, cult and comparison members were represented in each cluster in nearly equal proportions suggesting that there is no particular family type associated with having a child in a cult. These data support the results of the discriminant analysis. Table 4 Proportion of Cult and Comparison Families in Each Cluster of a Three Cluster Solution Cluster 1 Cult Families Comparison Families

54% 46%

Cluster 2 50% 50%

Cluster 3 52% 48%

The only FES subscale on which the two groups significantly differed (p<.03) was Independence. The Independence subscale measures ―the degree to which family members are encouraged to be assertive, self-sufficient, to make their own decisions and to think things out for themselves.‖ The cult group's higher mean score (7.64) reveals greater parent-reported independence orientation than is shown in the comparison group (7.0). On all the other nine subscales of the FES, the two groups did not differ significantly,

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 28

The individual subscale means and standard deviations of the two samples, even though based on retrospective perceptions, were very similar to Moos' findings for current perceptions by parents of adolescent children. For example, in the present study, the mm of the two groups combined for the Moral Religious Emphasis subscale was 5.25 with a standard deviation of 2.16; in the Moos' work, the mean score was 5.19 with a standard deviation of 2.19. Similarly, on the Achievement Orientation subscale the present study yielded an overall mean of 5.76 with a standard deviation of 1.62, while in Moos the mean for Achievement Orientation was 5.6, with a standard deviation of 1.7. Summary In sum the five hypotheses relating vulnerability to cult involvement to familial factors were not supported by the data in this study. Cult families differed from the comparison group on only one of ten FES subscales (Independence). In addition, on the items of the Family Questionnaire the cult families differed significantly from the comparison group on only four items, namely, reported amount of romantic involvement, quality of friendships, religious training, and alcohol use. Discussion Analysis of the data did not support any of the hypotheses, either with or without control variables. Thus, the overriding hypothesis, that familial factors are an important aspect of vulnerability to cult involvement is not supported. In discussing this research, three main aspects of the research merit discussion: the findings and their meanings, the methodology and its bearing on these findings, and the implications, both substantive and methodological, for future research. The Findings Assuming that methodological shortcomings (discussed below) can be largely discounted, this study does not support the Schwartz and Kaslow (1979, 1982) and Vickers (1977) contentions that cult members come from families that place extremely great value on responsibility to the family, a hallmark of the enmeshed family. In the present study, the cult families did not differ statistically from the comparison group on measures that reflect enmeshment. It is possible that this lack of distinction may be related to the inadequacy of the FES in measuring enmeshment or in studying important family issues. This issue will be discussed later. A more likely explanation appears to be that the lack of the findings supports the position taken by Clark et al. (1981), Singer (1979), Swope (1980), and Carr (1981), all of whom concluded that familial factors are not significant in joining a cult. Clark, for example, found that two-thirds of the individuals who enter cults are normal young adults recruited during a vulnerable period in their lives. Swope, indeed, summed up his view unequivocally: ―Cult members are no different from anyone else. Given the right time, place, and circumstances, anyone is vulnerable.‖ The findings concerning stressful events in the year prior to joining a cult are compatible with a non-family-role perspective; however, the lack of data from the comparison group or of normative data based on the general population in this age range makes it difficult to evaluate this finding. Almost all (95%) of the parents of cult members reported that their offspring had at least one stressful event in the twelve months prior to cult involvement; the mean of such reported events was 1.25. These stressful events included broken romantic relationships, deaths of close friends or relatives, job or school failures, or an abrupt personality change. This finding is consistent with Cary's (1981) conclusion that the loss of a significant relationship by death, serious physical-mental disorder, or romantic breakup increases vulnerability to cult involvement, but is not as emphatic as that of Eden (1981), who found that 88% of her respondents had experienced at least three stressful events. The more modest finding of the present study, in comparison to that of Eden, must be considered in the light of the respective methods; parental retrospective reporting may fall significantly short of a possibly more accurate incidence as compiled by Eden respondents reporting on their own experiences. It is quite likely that parents Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 29

know, or recall, or report only ―major‖ experiences, whereas first-hand respondents also recall and report less significant incidents. Moreover, it is possible that stress is a ―threshold‖ phenomenon: once you cross the sill, the number of pushes isn't important. The lack of significant differences between the two classes of families in reported incidence of member psychopathology supports the previously mentioned notion that families of cult members are generally similar to families whose offspring do not enter cults. It should be noted, however, that although the presence of members' psychopathology is often considered an index of the possibility of family dysfunctionality, the absence of individual psychopathology is not a guarantee of a functional family. The lack of significant differences between the groups on the FES Moral- Religious Emphasis Scale, whether without or with control variables, is noteworthy. Although part of the comparison group was recruited from churchgoers and the entire comparison group had a greater average amount of religious training, there was no difference between the two groups on moral- religious emphasis. What this says about churchgoing and religious training may not be so clear, however; the membership of the experimental sample, parents in the Citizens Freedom Foundation, may constitute a ―churchgoing equivalent‖ and at the least may indicate an underlying ―moral-type‖ orientation not common among most non-churchgoers with a similar level of religious training. The equivalence of both groups on the FES Achievement Orientation Scale does not support Schwartz and Kaslow's (1979) and Scharff's (1982) view that children who get involved in cults grew up in achievement-oriented homes and are prone to perfectionistic striving. The lack of such a distinction in the two samples again supports the contention that the familial factor is not significant in cult involvement. On the other hand, the finding that the two samples were not significantly different in their intellectual-cultural orientation does not support Carr's (1981) view, based on her finding that parents of her sample of cult members had a high level of education (18% with Doctoral Degrees), that cult-member parents probably are relatively highly accepting of various philosophies and values. Carr, it should be noted, does not provide evidence supporting her assumption that educational level reacts significantly to such ―accepting‖ attitudes, even if it can be taken as an index of intellectual-cultural orientation. Similarly, the results of this study do not support Kelly's (1979) finding that ―often the subjects [ex-cult members themselves] had an inordinate admiration for the intellect in a very unrealistic way.‖ On the whole, then, it seems that the non- distinguishing finding regarding parents' level of education and intellectual orientation supports the non-family-factor perspective of cult vulnerability. The portrait of cult members prior to cult involvement, as painted by their parents, is similar to that presented in the literature by Kelly (1979), Galanter et al (1979), Carr (1981), Eden (1981), and Markowitz (1982). The cult member was seen as coming typically from a generally middleincome family, being in the 18-30 age range at the time of recruitment, and attending college with a B average. In addition, in the present study, a significant difference on the Family Questionnaire is the parents' description of the cult member as having been less socially active, in the sense of having fewer close friendships and fewer romantic involvements, than the comparison group offspring. This distinction, if accurate, clearly suggests the importance of the recruitment process. The young adult with limited talents in interpersonal relationships may be readily attracted to the cults by friendly recruiters. There may, of course, be some underlying difference in the two parent groups' knowledge of their children's friendships, or in their tendencies to characterize them as ―close‖ or ―casual.‖ If so, this would be an extremely significant aspect differentiating family backgrounds; but no such distinction is suggested in the literature, and the present study was not designed to investigate such a possibility.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 30

One must view with caution the meaning and significance of the Independence Scale, the only FES subscale which discriminated between the two groups. The finding was in the opposite direction from what was hypothesized: that the cult family would have a lower independence score than the comparison group. One possible interpretation is that this finding is pure chance. However, an interpretation based on Fromm (1941) and Becker (1973) may apply: the youngster was unable to deal with freedom, so he sought an environment that would restrict his freedom. In a sense, the experiential meaning of ―independence‖ is at issue. It is not at all impossible that this may be a critical matter in distinguishing the two types of families. In the cult-offspring family, for example, ―independence‖ may be construed as the lack of overt external interference, whereas in the comparison family it may be more a matter of internalized freedom and ability to make and carry out decisions. The independence construct must be refined and the distinction must be replicated before its significance can be reasonably assessed. Methodological Considerations The methodological difficulties of research on the cult phenomenon have been widely noted. For example, Clark el al. (1981) comment extensively on these difficulties: Scientific investigators of the cult phenomenon encounter a number of serious methodological difficulties that detract from the authoritativeness of their findings. First of all, it is very difficult to obtain objective, unbiased measures of the variables under study. It is not easy, for example, to reduce the conversion process to a list of codifiable behaviors that can be tallied by observers and fed into a computer for analysis. And even if such meticulous scientific observation were feasible, it is doubtful that cults would allow it. For this reason, all researchers have to depend upon personal reports for their data. This, of course, raises serious problems, for in such a controversial area as cults, personal reports are likely to be biased, especially, as is usually the case, when reporting is retrospective. The subject bias factor is compounded by the difficulty in obtaining random samples of the population under study. Clinical investigators, for example, see primarily those individuals who seek help, while other researchers are frequently dependent upon cult volunteers, whose representativeness is open to question. Such a lack of representative samples obscures the comparisons that can be made among various studies. ... the methodological problems suggest that all inferences be made cautiously ... Perhaps the most important goal of future research should be to obtain samples that are representative of the cult population. This can be achieved either by drawing random samples from many cults or by studies, each using random samples, of different cults. Only through the investigation of numerous subjects drawn randomly from many cults will re- searchers be able to make reliable conclusions about and comparisons among various groups (pp. 40-41). Unfortunately, Clark et al. do not suggest procedures for obtaining cooperative random samples of cult members and their families; neither do they suggest how to study the pertinent variables. Meanwhile, failing the ideal, research deals with the feasible, with various flawed investigations exercising mutually corrective influences. This study attempted to deal with this issue by drawing from a large population with representation of different cults from all over the United States. However, the experimental population had a limitation in that it consisted of parents many of whom were highly emotionally involved because of their child's conversion. Furthermore, their responses may have been influenced by their involvement in the Citizens Freedom Foundation. Also, the comparison group

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 31

may not have been typical of non-cult families, as many of the parents were recruited from churches. A second methodological question mark inheres in the data-collection techniques. Clearly parents may not be objective on self-report measures related to how they perceive their child, especially in an emotionally charged area. Beyond this relatively overt difficulty is the more subtle problem mentioned in connection with the FES independence factor: even if they are equally ―objective‖ and knowledgeable and honest, do different classes of respondents construe the content of datagathering instruments in significantly different ways, so that scores actually rate different phenomena in the two classes? The validity and reliability of self-report measures has been a source of wide debate, with contradictory findings, in the psychological and sociological literature. Niemi (1968), for example, reported that parent-child agreement on family life is poor. He reasoned that parents, who have invested time and energy in maintaining a family, report a closely integrated family and relationships in which they have influence over their children. In contrast, adolescents, as a product of the striving for independence associated with their stage of life, are more apt to suggest they are independent of their families. Nienii concludes that neither parent nor child can be relied upon for objectively accurate accounts of the independent aspect of family fife. Similarly, Jessop (1981), in a study of the responses of 3,988 high school students matched with data from their parents, found that the level of agreement between them was uniformly low regardless of the aspect of family life being reported - whether it was reports of concrete behavior or evaluation of the quality of family relationships. She found that both parents and children systematically enlarge the degree of influence they themselves have in the family. A second limitation often associated with self-report measures is their retrospective nature. They often require individuals to recall past experiences which might have occurred as much as several years earlier, a time lapse which may introduce inaccuracies. Olson (1970) found that individuals are not able to recall material regarding their own intentions even soon after a behavior occurred, certainly not after a longer period. A third limitation associated with the self-report measure is the various types of reporting and perceptual biases which may occur. According to Olson (1970), ―although it is important to emphasize that data based on 'perceived reality' of situations is of considerable importance in understanding human behavior, this type of data does contain certain perceptual biases.‖ One major bias that Olson noted was that individuals tend to give socially desirable answers. Yarrow, Campbell and Burton (1964), in research on the use of the retrospective method for measuring child-rearing practices, found that mothers tend to upgrade their role and to downgrade the father's role in rearing. The mother saw herself as more nurturant than she was originally rated. Some mothers recalled their spouses as being absent from the home more often and for longer periods than objectively gathered baseline data indicated. Yarrow et al. also reported that mothers' retrospective portraits of their children's behavior generally ―upgrade‖ the children in comparison to appraisals made at the time being considered. Yarrow et al. conclude that ―the data of the present study focus on certain methodological shortcomings in the study of the family; they demonstrate a very large error source in the retrospective data on parent-child relations. In this sense, our findings pose serious technical and theoretical problems for this area of research, However, to ―attack‖ the time-honored research interview is less rewarding than to discover a new and better approach.‖ A better approach remains to be developed. On the other hand, Brown and Harris (1978) reported 81% agreement between schizophrenic patients and their relatives about the occurrence of the same event and no disagreement, three months after the event, about time of onset of the disorder. Brown and Harris conclude that ―there is no reason why recent life-events cannot be collected with a good deal of accuracy, certainly enough for scientific purposes.‖ Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 32

Despite all of the criticism of the self-report measures and retrospective method, it was used in this study, as it is still used in other research, since it appears to be the only feasible means of collecting data on the family life of the cult member prior to cult involvement. Neither time nor investigative resources were available for another approach; and the ―nature of the beast‖ conspires against theoretically more desirable approaches. Finally, there may be methodological difficulties in using the Moos Family Environment Scale. Though the scale purports to measure the overall social environment of the family, it may not be sensitive enough to pick up the reciprocal role relationships, boundary difficulties, or power struggles which family systems theory would hypothesize to be the essential background of cult involvement. Also, it may be insensitive in revealing the influence of the father as a male authority figure, as noted by Schwartz and Kaslow (1979). Moreover, it must be kept in mind that the FES deals with parents' perceptions and not those of cult members themselves. And, again, there is the question of whether Moos' constructs may obliterate distinctions or elicit spurious distinctions when applied to different populations. It should be remembered, however, that despite the retrospective nature of reporting, the means and standard deviations computed for the data of the present study are similar to those for Moos' scale for Parents of Adolescent Children who were tested in the present. In addition the lack of differentiation between die groups using a cluster analysis lends some support to the view that family background is not a major factor in cult involvement. Implications for Future Research The following recommendations are suggested for future research, 1.

The present investigation analyzed data from a sample recruited solely from the Citizens Freedom Foundation. Future research should examine the perceptions of family environments of a sample not involved with any support group whose association may contaminate their responses.

2.

The present investigation was based on parental perceptions of the family environment. Future research should try to incorporate the cult members' and/or other family members' perceptions of the family environments. Each family member's perception can be compared with the parents' perceptions and scored for a Family Incongruence Score, a potentially revealing ―measure of the extent of disagreement among family members with regard to their perceptions of family climate.‖

3. The present investigation analyzed data employing the Moos Family Environment Scale, which may not have been sensitive enough to pick up data regarding such important issues as boundary difficulties or power structures within the family. Future research should examine boundary and power issues via the use of observational techniques, administered questionnaires, including questionnaires formulated on the basis of family systems theory and not sociological theory, or interviews that are specifically adapted to this task. 4. The present study did identify certain personal variables on which the two groups differed; this may be a useful area of additional investigation. Future research should concentrate on specific personal variables of cult members or employ an interdisciplinary approach which would examine a gestalt of familiar factors, personal factors, and their interrelationships.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 33

References Ash, S. (1985). Cult-induced psychopathology, Part 1: Clinical picture. Cultic Studies Journal, 2, 31-90. Becker, E. (1973). The Denial of death. New York: Free Press. Brown, G. & Harris, T. (1978). Social origins of depression. New York: Free Press. Carr, P. (1981). Cult involvement: Assessing precipitating psychosocial and environmental variables. Unpublished master's thesis. St. Cloud University, St. Cloud, MN. Clark, J. G. (1979). Cults. Journal of the American Medical Association, 242, 179-180. Clark, J., Langone, M., Schecter, R., & Daly, R. (1981). Destructive cult conversion: Theory, research, and treatment. Weston, MA: American Family Foundation. Eden, E. (1981). The Unification church: A study of structure and conversion. Unpublished manuscript Frornm, E. (I 94 1). Escape from freedom. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Galanter, M., Rabkin, R., Rabkin, J., & Deutsch, A. (1979). The ―Moonies‖: A psychological study of conversion and membership in a contemporary religious sect. American Journal of Psychiatry, 139, 1530-1548. Hartigan, I. A. (1975). Clustering algorithm. New York: Wiley and Sons. Jessop, D. (198 1). Family relationships as viewed by parents and adolescents: A specification. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 43, 95-106. Kelly, G. (1979). Statistical analysis of personality profiles prior to a cult involvement, Report submitted to the National Institute of Mental Health. Markowitz, A. (1982, May). Personal communication. Moos, R. (1974). The family environment scale preliminary manual. Palo Alto, CA: Social Ecology Laboratory. Olson, D. H. (1969). The measurement of family power by self-report and behavioral methods. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 31, 545-550. Penk, W., Rabinowitz, R., Kidd, R., & Nisle, A. (1979). Perceived family environments among ethnic groups of compulsive heroin users. Addictive Behavior, 4, 297-309. Pringle, W. (1977). The alcoholic family environment: The influence of the alcoholic and nonalcoholic fancily of origin of present coping styles. (Doctoral dissertation, California School of Professional Psychology, 1976). Dissertation Abstracts International, 37, 5842B. Rudin, J. A. & Rudin, M. R. (1980). Prison or paradise? The new religious cults. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Schwartz, L. L. & Kastow, F. (1979). Religious cults, the individual, and the family. Journal of marital and Family Therapy, 5 (2), 15-26. Schwartz, L. L. & Kaslow, F. (1982). The cult phenomenon: Historical, sociological, and familial factors contributing to their development and appeal. In F. Kaslow & M. Sussman (Eds.), Cults and the family. New York: Haworth Press. Scharff, B. (Speaker). (1982). (Cassette Recording). At conference on ―The cult phenomenon: Mental health, legal, and religious implications.‖ University of California, Los Angeles, April 18. Singer, M. (1979). Coming out of the cults. Psychology Today, 12, (1), 72-82. Vickers, G. (1977). The weakness of Western culture. Features, 9,457-473. Yarrow, M. R., Campbell, J. D. & Burton, R. V. (1964). Reliability of maternal retrospection: A preliminary report. Family Process, 3,207-218. Zerin, M. (1982). The pied piper phenomenon: Family systems and vulnerability to cults. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Fielding Institute, California. Neil Maron, Ph. D., is a New York State licensed psychologist in private practice in Brooklyn, New York and Cedarhurst, Long Island. A Diplomate of the 1. A. B. M. C. P., he focuses on fancily therapy, learning disabilities, and behavioral medicine.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 34

* This article stems from the author's doctoral dissertation in clinical psychology for Yeshiva University.

This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 23-43. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 35

Creating the Illusion of Mind Reading in a Self-Transformation Training Robert C. Fellows, M. T. S. Abstract Some self-transformation trainings have been accused of employing a wide variety of manipulative and deceptive techniques. One such program leads participants in an exercise which purports to demonstrate intuitive ability, or what it calls the ―highest level of awareness.‖ This paper suggests that the exercise which we will can the ―intuition exercise,‖ instead of demonstrating a high level of awareness, creates an illusion of ―mind reading‖ and manipulates some participants into believing that they have developed extrasensory perception. The human potential movement has generated widespread acceptance for the idea that personal growth can be achieved outside of mainstream therapy. Because this movement's methods may at first seem unusual and in some cases opposed to what is traditionally believed to be good practice, it is difficult to discriminate between groups which are creating innovative and caring approaches to personal growth and groups which are exploiting the receptive mood within the field. This difficulty has generated considerable confusion. Many persons claim to benefit from self-transformation programs; many others claim to be harmed. Those who have described harmful consequences frequently allege that some self- transformation groups employ an array of manipulative techniques of persuasion and control. Before scholars can definitively determine the extent to which harm and manipulation occur in such groups, it is necessary that they first understand the types of manipulative techniques that can be employed and to what purpose. In this essay, I will try to shed light on this question by analyzing in detail an important exercise in a self-transformational program We win call that exercise the ―intuition exercise.‖ The program will not be named here because my focus is not on evaluating or judging this particular training, but on analyzing the dynamics of an intuition exercise illustrative of similar exercises used in other self-transformation trainings. The Mentalist's Point of View My perspective in analyzing the intuition exercise is that of a professional mentalism The expertise of a magician trained in the field of mentalism (magic which creates the illusion of psychic phenomena), who is also well-versed in the dynamics of social-psychological influence, can be a useful and sometimes indispensable adjunct to the skills of a psychologist, sociologist, or physician when investigating groups that make extraordinary claims in the area of selfawareness. In April of 1985, I was asked to serve as an expert witness in two cases related to a selftransformation training.(1) The cases were pending in federal courts in Washington, D.C. In order to prepare for the cases, I reviewed documents which included several legal depositions and literature published by the group. I had already attended a two-hour introductory lecture about the training as part of my personal research. In July of 1985, 1 was a full participant in the first night of the group's basic training in Los Angeles. This was a five-hour evening of lectures and group processes with about 250 participants. On the second night of that training, after an hour of negotiating, I was not allowed to finish the training because I would not sign a consent form, which released the training, its agents, and employees from any liability arising from my participation in the training. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 36

In August of 1987, I was asked to consult in a third court case related to the group. I read further depositions, and interviewed four graduates of the group's basic training. My analysis is based upon the preceding sources of information. The Intuition Exercise The basic training is a five-day course. It begins on a Wednesday night and ends on Sunday night A trainer runs the sessions, assisted by volunteer assistants, who are graduates of both basic and advanced trainings and in the third and final three-month stage of training. Throughout the training, the trainer talks about a special kind of intuition as the ―highest level of awareness.‖ On the last night of the basic training, the trainer leads the participants in the intuition exercise. The participants are told to form dyads. Partner A thinks of a person who is not known by Partner B. We will call the imagined person the ―object.‖ Partner A tells Partner B the name, age, sex, and/or address of the object Then Partner B is supposed to describe the object as well as he can, simply using his or her intuition. The participants are surprised at how accurate they can be in describing someone they have never seen. Factors Contributing to Manipulation in the Intuition Exercise: Before the Training Begins Many aspects of the training enhance what I believe to be a specious persuasiveness of the intuition exercise. The group's recruiters ten prospects that if they know what is going to happen, the basic training will not be effective. This can create an aura of mystery, a feeling that the group is engaged in some mission that must be kept secret and that perhaps, ―special‖ powers will be learned. Mystery also surrounds the supposed benefits of the auditing. These benefits are described in vague, ambiguous, and unlimited terms. For example a trainer told one recruit that ―. . . it [the training] is for people who want to improve themselves, become happier, perhaps meet people, have a better career, feel more attractive, all kinds of wonderful things ... It is the best thing you will ever do.‖ This recruit further stated, ―They told me that it was the key to life and the best thing that you'll ever do, but they don't tell you what it is. I took it because of the persuasive person and the mystery.‖(2) This tactic invites recruits to ―fill in the blanks‖ with the benefits that they are seeking. Also, since the benefits are described in vague and unlimited terms, this tactic can create or reinforce the feeling that the training might involve special powers. Pre-training activities and statements can also lower prospects' critical alertness. Because, for example, many participants have had little or no experience with self-improvement programs or therapy, they may not question or analyze seemingly ―psychic‖ occurrences in the training in the same way that that they would if they recognized differences between ― group's methods and traditional therapy, or if they suspected that they were taking part in entertainment, theater, or manipulation. Contributing Factors Within the Training Leading Up to the Intuition Exercise In the session I attended, participants were confronted with robot-like behavior, jargon, a uniform look in the trainers and volunteer assistants, formality, and a crowd control system similar to herding. All this can contribute to the futuristic aura of a special mission and people with special powers. For example, no matter what question we asked the volunteer assistants on the first night of the training, the response was a stiff ―Purses and coats to the side-fill the front rows first.‖ The assistants stood in strategic positions throughout the room and did not move as we walked past them to our seats. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 37

Participants are given name tags, which, according to one of the ground rules, must be worn at all times during the training. The participants‘ name tags are a different color from the assistants' name tags, thereby setting up an implicit hierarchy which can create the feeling that the assistants have developed a special status. On the participants' name tags, the first name is very large so that it can be read at a long distance. The trainer uses the first names of the participants during his lectures, and in confrontations. This catches the participants off guard, for they may forget for an instant that they are wearing name tags. The participant can thus have a fleeting feeling that the trainer has some ―psychic‖ ability because he knows the participant's name without having met him. Even though reason later invalidates this conclusion, the feeling of awe can linger. Moreover, even when participants remember that they are wearing name tags, they may feel flattered that the trainer was ―interested‖ enough in them to use their names. A feeling of ―specialness‖ and rapport between trainer and participant can result The trainer magnifies his impact on participants by making many specific observations as to what they may be thinking at the time. During my first night of the basic training, the trainer suggested reasons why people might have come to the training. For example, he said that perhaps some participants came because their daughter or some other relative wanted them to come. As the trainer suggested possibilities, I looked around the room and saw people registering positive responses to the various reasons that were given. They miss the fact that the trainer suggests so many reasons, which he has encountered in his experience, that he is likely to hit on nearly every reason which anyone would have for coming to the training. The feeling of surprise and recognition engendered by being told something true about oneself can take precedence over or even block the rational thought process of figuring out that the trainer has covered so many possibilities that of course he would make a hit. Also, in the opening lecture on my first night of the basic training, the trainer pointed out many general qualities of human nature. Although there was nothing particularly striking in his insights, the fact that he was able to discern so much of what goes on in a person's mind and emotions in different situations could create the feeling that the trainer might in some way be able to ―read minds.‖ I do the same sort of thing in my stage performance of ESP illusions. At the beginning I say ―Many of us have had an experience that seems to be more than a coincidence. For example, part of a dream will come true. Or we'll be humming a song, turn on the radio, and the same song is playing. Or maybe we'll go to call someone on the phone, and that person is already on the line.‖ A number of people will have had one of those experiences or a similar one. I already seem to be ―reading people's minds,‖ and I am creating an aura of acceptability for psychic phenomena. Once again, the feeling that the trainer is right and seems to understand how people think outweighs the process of figuring out that he is speaking in generalities and simply hitting on common human experiences in the same manner as a good professional comedian. The comedian makes observations of human nature to elicit the emotional response of laughter. While the trainer gets quite a few laughs, he also creates the impression that, because he is always talking about human psychology, he has special insight into the human psyche. Some of the observations made by the trainer are ―charming.‖ For example, on my first night, the trainer told a story about a child playing in a puddle. The point of the story was that we should be ―childlike.‖ This can create a feeling of commonality in the group, and make the trainer seem to be ―humane,‖ even trustworthy, further setting the stage for manipulation in the intuition exercise. The story can also create the feeling that the participants will learn something .natural‖ - something that they have ―forgotten.‖ Another manipulative technique is to present accepted science as unreliable. My trainer, for example, told a story about a mouse in a maze looking for cheese. When the mouse has always Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 38

found cheese in one of a number of tunnels, but discovers it is not there one day, it will look in the other tunnels. The human being, however, looking for love and finding it in the same place for a long period of time, will keep looking in the place where he found it previously, rather than check the other ―tunnels.‖ Such a story implicitly brings into question the reliability of science, because it implies (even though it may be a scientifically false story) that experimentation with animals in the science of psychology really doesn't tell us how the mind operates. If the trainer can get people to question the authorities on which they base their view of the world, he is more likely to get them to throw out their ―old ideas‖ and replace them with a completely new model for analyzing experience. The trainer I observed used another manipulative technique. Human behavior which was previously acceptable to participants was put into question much in the same way that science was questioned. The trainer asked participants to help him make a list of ―ways to avoid‖ and ―ways to create value.‖ However, the ―ways to avoid‖ encompassed a very large set of human activities, for example, sleeping, eating, watching TV, working, drinking, and talking. When previously acceptable behavior is termed ―avoidance,‖ acceptance for new, strange behavior can be strengthened. Further, as Haaken and Adams state in an article about a prominent selftransformation training, ―By the device of identifying resistances as ―ways of avoiding, ―participants‖ questions, doubts, and concerns were labeled as obstacles to personal growth.‖ (3) My subjects reported and I observed that throughout the training participants who raise objections or are unsuccessful with an exercise are often intimidated and ridiculed. Eventually, the trainer seems to break down the participants' ability to analyze and seems to discourage their interest in raising objections. Later, the participants may try harder to make the exercises ―work‖ for them, so as not to be intimidated or ridiculed. This behavior may reflect what psychologists call cognitive dissonance, the tendency to alter discrepancies between attitudes and behavior. Cognitive dissonance, by the way, will also incline participants to feel positively about the trainer in order to justify to themselves their considerable investment of money, time, and emotion in the program. This intimidation is similar to, though sometimes more assaultive than, a technique I might use in my performance of mentalism, when I encounter someone who is not going along with the ESP illusions. I might kid him in a friendly way to quiet him down and continue with the performance. The trainer whom I observed on my first night of the basic training was masterful at intimidating those who raised objections, without the friendliness. In addition, the training isolates participants from their normal environments for three long evenings and two full days on the weekend. They are even given homework. If the participants also have nine to five jobs, it makes it difficult for them to have time to themselves, or to get adequate sleep. This may lead to a state of increased suggestibility in the participants, which would make it easier to convince them that they were having an extraordinary experience of mind reading in the intuition exercise. Finally, in the session I attended, the trainer asks for commitment, likening it to a bar over your lap on a roller coaster ride. This analogy implies that while the training might be fun at times, it might also seem dangerous, but like a roller coaster ride, it will not really be dangerous. The only possible danger is not putting on your seat belt, or in the case of the training, making a full commitment. Later, this concept can help to make the intuition exercise work. Stopping to analyze what is really going on may be seen as not making the full commitment. Analysis is thus discouraged and even seen as potentially dangerous.

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The Illusion of ESP Intuition is a normal unconscious reasoning ability. If a person is intuitive, he or she has the ability to draw conclusions from normal sensory information that is apparently inferred without the use of normal conscious mason. Extra-sensory perception, on the other hand, is the paranormal ability to bypass the use of the senses. It is ―perception that seems to occur apart from or in addition to, the normal function of the usual senses.‖(4) In the intuition exercise, the trainer lays the groundwork for creating an illusion of ESP by using language that weakens the resistance of skeptics and reinforces the faith of believers. The trainer uses the term ―natural knowing‖ instead of ―intuition‖ or ―ESP.‖ The term ―natural knowing,‖ the cultivation of which is the goal of the intuition exercise, is sufficiently vacuous (what would be an example of ―unnatural knowing‖?) yet evocative (―natural‖ implies effortless, authentic, ―better‖) to create an expectation that the group will learn something powerful and special. This special ability is likened to ―intuition but is presented as something more profound - otherwise why not say ―intuition‖? On the first night of the basic training which I attended, the trainer said ―We will be calling a ―rock‖ a ―rock.‖ This was communicated in a way that would incline participants to believe that the special language of the training is somehow deeper and more accurate than normal language. The use of a special term for intuition or ESP reduces the resistance of those participants who are not inclined to believe in ESP without at the same time alienating those who are prone to believe in ESP and welcome the chance to learn it. Indeed, participants who are inclined to believe in ESP and the paranormal think only that a special language is being used to teach it. In either case, ―natural knowing‖ becomes synonymous with ESP in the group's jargon and in the perceptions of many participants. The identification of ―natural knowing‖ with paranormal perceptions can be seen most conspicuously in the group's theoretical explanation of that ability, which is provided on the first night of the basic training. The trainer discusses levels of awareness. At the bottom levels are mystery, belief, and analysis. At the mid- point are action and experiment. Above the mid-point we find experience and observation, and finally, ―natural knowing,‖ at the top. This highest ability is defined as that which we just know ―with nothing to substantiate it‖(5) If that is what it means, then with very few exceptions,(6) this constitutes the same thing as information gained without the use of the senses, which would be paranormal. Therefore, the group's special language, or jargon, suggests that the training can make one ―psychic.‖ Manipulation in the Intuition Exercise There is a great deal of manipulation within the intuition exercise which can make it seem more effective and dramatic. The exercise begins with the selection of a volunteer ―believer‖ for an introductory demonstration by the trainer. According to my subjects, the trainer asks for a volunteer who has taken the basic training before, and sometimes for someone who has taken the training and ―believes that the exercise can work.‖ In this way, the trainer can manipulate the situation in order to demonstrate ―intuition‖ with someone who is inclined to believe in psychic abilities. Since the evidence for success in these matters is subjective, ESP illusions work best with such persons because they will help the demonstration along. In an objective inquiry into the possibility of psychic phenomena, the selection of the subject would be random or comparisons would be made between experiments performed with ―believers‖ and with non-believers. The intuition exercise systematically avoids this random selection or careful comparison.

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Ambiguity in the Exercise In the demonstration, the trainer may also tend to use ambiguous metaphorical images and many possible interpretations of what they might mean, which can lead the participants to mimic the trainer's model. The process leads to ―hits,‖ such as the following actual case: One participant was thinking of a friend when her partner said, ―I'm getting an impression of the Pillsbury Dough Boy.‖(7) This was taken to be a psychic hit because the object was slightly overweight and soft. However, the attempt could also have been seen to be accurate if the person was any kind of boy, a baker, liked bread, lived on Pillsbury Street, worked for Pillsbury, or came from Minneapolis (the home of Pillsbury). Giving the name, sex, age, city and/or state of residence of the person being described in the exercise can lead to many inferences and thereby contribute to the illusion of ESP. One participant told her partner that the person in question lived in Florida, and was then impressed with the accuracy of her partner's statement that he lived in a one-story house (a typical Florida residence).(8) Based on my interviews, by the fifth day of the training, the level of acceptance regarding the exercise can be so high that even the smallest coincidental detail that is accurate in the intuition exercise can serve to validate the vague or ambiguous guesses, and can further convince the participants that they are experiencing ESP. Distributing “Belief” Throughout the Group In the forming of dyads, the second stage in the exercise, the trainer first tells participants to stand up if they do not believe that ―this [the intuition exercise) can work.‖ Then they are told to look around and not pair off with any of these other people. This has two effects. First, through cognitive dissonance, it reinforces the belief of those who remain sitting, because they have taken a physical action which is associated with believing, namely remaining seated. The tendency to remain seated is further reinforced because previously many participants who had not conformed were intimidated and ridiculed. Second, this method of forming dyads helps to ensure that each dyad win include at least one person who has a propensity toward interpreting ambiguous images as hits. The participants I interviewed reported that the trainer tells the participants, ―If you don't believe it [the intuition exercise] can work . . . guess what?‖ This is an effective indirect suggestion that if the exercise doesn't work for a participant, it is in some way his fault In hypnotherapy, indirect suggestion is thought to be a more effective way to influence some patients than direct statements. ―Indirect suggestions are not commands, they are suggestions that cry out for unconscious inferences to be drawn by the patient‖(9) If the exercise doesn't work for the participant, there is a further implication that it is the participant's fault because the trainer has already demonstrated that he (the trainer) has this ability, and has said that others who have taken the training also have shown ability. My subjects reported that during the exercise, the volunteer assistants are instructed to mingle and pair themselves off with those partners having the most difficulty. In a manipulative way, this distributes the level of belief as evenly as possible throughout the room, and further ensures that there will be a high number of hits. Guidance and Reinforcement Through Feedback My subjects stated that the trainer told them they must give feedback during the intuition exercise. This guides the partner, narrowing down the focus of the ―reading‖ until there is some degree of accuracy. One participant stated that when she was doing the intuition exercise, she considered the early misses to be .warming up.‖(10) Another participant said ―Eventually I would

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work my way over to seeming to have ESP. I had the impression that I was reading their mind.‖ (11) Actually, the ―warming up‖ was the beginning of a narrowing down process. The early misses are simply discounted as insignificant This technique is classic in faulty psychic investigation. Large amounts of data are simply ignorant. It is sometimes said that entire experiments ―didn't work out.‖ If a participant, the receiver, is inaccurate in a reading, his partner, the sender, is instructed to say, ―That's not my experience of this person,‖ rather than ―You're wrong.‖ The former is a manipulative phrase that greatly increases the possibility that the sender will question his own knowledge of the person being described, and give credibility to the receiver's ―experience‖ of that person. The intuition exercise goes on for 40 - 60 minutes, which is plenty of time to have a high number of hits in each dyad. Participants may tend to remember the hits and forget the misses, or to see them as ―warming up.‖ The intuition exercise is immediately followed by a break in which participants are allowed to talk among themselves. Here they are given an opportunity to share their surprising experiences. It does not seem unreasonable to expect them to exaggerate their stories in order to demonstrate their ―high level of awareness.‖ In my own performance of ESP illusions, I have seen that one seemingly impossible effect in the course of a long performance will dominate conversation after the performance, and misses will be forgotten. It does not take many accurate hits to impress an inexperienced participant with this type of exercise. One of the participants estimated the ―readings‖ in the intuition exercise to be about ―75% accurate.‖(12) Since the participants lack experience in ―psychic‖ investigation, and do not realize how much can be attributed to manipulation, that might seem impressive. However, participants tend to exaggerate the percentage of accuracy in such a reading due to selective memory, so that a subjective impression of 75% accuracy is in fact not very impressive. Other Principles of Mentalism The intuition exercise draws on several other fundamental principles of mentalism. The trainer, for example, may tell participants that they will be right 80% of the time. This is a standard line used by mentalists to make the demonstration seem more genuine. One hundred percent accuracy would seem impossible and the audience would suspect trickery. It also explains why there are some inaccuracies. Since the exercise is one of making statements about a person, another principle of mentalism applies: there are many more statements that people will agree are true about themselves, or about another person, than one would think- This knowledge accounts for the mentalist's ability to do ―cold reading,‖ or to seemingly tell someone a lot about himself with absolutely no information about that person. Psychologist Ray Hyman describes how cold reading works so effectively. We have to bring our knowledge and expectations to bear in order to comprehend anything in our world. In most ordinary situations this use of context and memory enables us to correctly interpret statements and supply the necessary inferences to do this. But this powerful mechanism can go astray in situations where there is no actual message being conveyed. Instead of picking up random noise we still manage to find meaning in the situation. So the same system that enables us to creatively find meanings and to make new discoveries also makes us extremely vulnerable to exploitation by all sorts of manipulators.(13) Another principle of mentalism known as the ―individuation effect,(14) comes into play in the intuition exercise. If a person volunteers some information about himself (or another person), he or she will have a stronger tendency to believe ―psychic‖ information that seems to be based on Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 42

these facts about the object. For example, a believer will tend to accept a ―psychic‖ reading more readily if he has given his birth date and is told that the reader is an ―astrologer,‖ than if the reading is done with no information volunteered. In the intuition exercise, the name, sex, age, and/or address of the subject is volunteered. This creates an individuation effect and also ensures that there won't be an embarrassing miss on those specific points. Since the partner who is thinking of another person must give feedback, another Cold reading technique is available to the partner doing the reading. The receiver may be consciously or unconsciously sensing the reactions of the sender, and may give impressions that seem to get a verbal or non-verbal positive response. In mentalism this technique is called ―fishing.‖ As participants practice this, they might get better at reading the reactions of their partners, and since both partners have a large investment in making the exercise work, they will unwittingly help each other. In a sense, the exercise provides rewards for developing cold reading skills even if these skills are developed unintentionally. As an example of how this works, one participant told me that the woman doing the intuition exercise with him described his object ―pretty accurately,‖ and when the exercise was over said, ―It seems like she could be your mother.‖(15) That remark was quite surprising to him, since he cannot recall revealing that fact to his partner. However, the description could easily have been obtained by the techniques of fishing and unconscious cold reading, and the participant told me that he looks a lot like his mother. The coincidence of his partner's remark was no longer surprising to him after I explained how the exercise might work. Pseudo Explanations for Heightened Intuition The training implicitly supplies three types of explanation for the occurrence of .psychic phenomena during the course: the pseudo-scientific, the pseudo- psychological and what I call the ―honesty‖ explanation, the latter referring to the notion that we don't see this occurrence more often because we are not honest enough. According to my subjects, the trainers generally say that ―we use only 10% of our mental capacity.‖ This implied rationale for how we might be able to develop ―psychic‖ ability is more acceptable to the public today than religious, spiritual, or fantasy explanations such as, ―this power comes from aliens,‖ or ―there are ghosts in the room who speak to us.‖ It is a pseudoscientific explanation of how we might be able to develop mental abilities that are usually thought to be impossible. Participants are free to imagine that if by the end of five days they would be able to use just II% of their mental capacity, they could become in some sense ―super people.‖ Mentalists have talked about the fact that we use 10% of our brains for many years without even knowing if it's a true statement Mentalists often discuss the ―frontier‖ and ―vast untapped potential‖ of the mind when they are trying to create the impression that something supernatural or supernormal is going to happen. IM pseudo-scientific explanation lends credibility to the performance. Printed on a banner at the front of the room during the training is the question, ―What are You Pretending Not to Know?‖ This question provides a pseudo- psychological rather than a pseudoscientific explanation. It suggests that we don't display ―psychic‖ ability all of the time because we tend not to recognize truths that we do not have evidence to support that we cannot ―substantiate.‖ If only we could free ourselves from this inhibition, according to this line of thinking, we would be able to realize our natural ability to be ―psychic.‖ The trainer, according to my subjects, places a high value on what he calls ―real‖ honesty. This provides another pseudo-explanation for why we do not have ―psychic‖ experiences all the time. We don't say some things because we are not really being honest with other people.

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The trainer seems to be asking, however, for an unusual kind of honesty. It seems that we are only being honest if we say exactly what is on our minds all the time. Since he sets absolute honesty as the standard, most people can agree that they are not completely honest, and therefore might be hiding some kind of .psychic‖ abilities even from themselves. The Selling of the Illusion All of the graduates interviewed said that after the intuition exercise, and after a short break, the trainer discussed the advanced training, in the course of which he stated that the ability of heightened intuition which the participants had developed would continue to mature even if they did not take the advanced training. This notion serves to reinforce the value of the basic training. Then, according to the graduates, the trainer stated that this ability would develop even more quickly if participants took the advanced training. Thus, the trainer uses the intuition exercise as part of the ―sales pitch‖ for the advanced training. One participant said that the person recruiting him for the advanced training asked him to think back to the basic training and think of the exercise that happened at the end, telling him that what he would experience in the advanced training would be a hundred times greater. He stated that what he thought at that moment was that if he were able to ―read somebody's mind‖ at the end of basic training, then if something was a hundred times greater, he would like to experience that at any cost. The same graduate also said in an interview that ―had it not been for the [intuition] exercise,‖ he would not have signed up for the advanced training.(16) Conclusion The convincing effect of the intuition exercise remembered by participants seems to be the result of increased suggestibility, cold reading, fishing, the use of vague and ambiguous images, selective memory, and information unwittingly volunteered by the participants. The exercise, combined with the manipulation leading up to it, and the statement that the heightened awareness will continue to develop, can lead some participants to believe that they have experienced ESP and that they will have further psychic experiences outside of the training. These experiences may seem to be the direct result of the training, and may thereby heighten its appeal, falsely validate the value of the training, and make the participant more likely to sign up for advanced courses. Notes 1. I was asked to serve in these cases by three clients of attorney Peter N. Georgiades, who has extensive experience in cult-related litigation and who was looking for someone to explain ―confidence games‖ to a jury. 2. Interview with basic training graduate #1. 3. Haaken, Janice and Adams, Richard. ―Pathology as ―Personal Growth‖: A ParticipantObservation Study of Lifespring,‖ Psychiatry, 46, 274. 4. Webster's New World Dictionary, Second College Edition. (Simon & Schuster, Inc., 1982), 740. 5. A statement made by the trainer in Los Angeles on July 10, 1985. 6. The exceptions to the statement that knowledge without substantiation is paranormal are not statements describing sensory information. They are statements of ―truths that we hold to be self-evident‖ such as ―AR people are created equal.‖ This is a small set of statements, and not the kind of information that the training implies participants will receive in the intuition exercise. 7. Interview with basic training graduate # 2.

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8. Interview with basic training graduate # 3. 9. Barber, Joseph, Ph.D. ―Maximizing the Effectiveness of Hypnosis Through Indirect Suggestion.‖ Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Toronto, Ontario, August 31, 1978. 10. Interview with basic training graduate #1, 11. Interview with basic training graduate #4. 12. Interview with basic training graduate #4. 13. Hyman, Ray, Ph.D. ―Cold Reading‖: How to Convince Strangers that You Know All about Them.‖ The Skeptical Inquirer (Spring/Summer, 1977). 14. Saville, Thomas K. Ph.D. and Dewey, Herb. ―Red Hot Cold Reading: The Professional Pseudo Psychic.‖ In Visible Print (Denver, 1984), 20. 15. Interview with basic training graduate #4. 16. Interview with basic training graduate #4. Robert C. Fellows is a professional mentalist who holds a Master of Theological Studies degree from Harvard University and lectures on mind control and related topics. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 44-58. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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“Reject the Wicked Man” Coercive Persuasion and Deviance Production: A Study of Conflict Management Jerry Paul MacDonald University of Virginia Abstract This paper analyzes how a tightly-knit, utopian new religious movement manages conflict related to grievances and nonconformity. An integrated model of deviance production and coercive persuasion is presented to explain how the group manufactures loyalty crises designed simultaneously to stigmatize and expel nonconformists while reinforcing conformity within the membership. Introduced to explain this process are several new constructs, including ―loyalty-betrayal funnel,‖ ―bicameral normative system,‖ ―sin-potential status,‖ ―classification priesthood,‖ and the ―renunciation-denunciation‖ process. Introduction Research on new religious movements has focused on various aspects of ―getting in‖ or ―getting out‖ of groups. Some researchers stress the role of powerful social influence factors (i.e., ―coercive persuasion,‖ ―thought reform,‖ ―brainwashing‖) in recruiting and holding on to members. Others downplay influence factors and emphasize the role of personal decision-making and conflict management. These studies all neglect the fact that some new religious movements contain deviants whom the groups want to expel. This paper describes how a fringe Christian sect, called ―Oasis‖ in this study, manages the conflict associated with grievances and nonconformity. The paper will integrate the concepts of coercive persuasion and deviance production to show how Oasis reinforces commitment to the group by manufacturing loyalty ―crises‖ designed to stigmatize and ultimately expel nonconformists while reinforcing conformity within the membership, which is the primary purpose of the manufactured crises. Description of Methods The data presented and discussed in this paper have been gathered from four perspectives: ten years as a participant within the sect, three years as an outside observer (mainly during the sect's consolidation process from a loosely organized band of autonomous churches into a single organization unit), three years as a researcher and analyst of the sect's structure and doctrines, and finally, as an investigator into most of the sects major excommunications. Interviews with 274 excommunicated individuals and present members were conducted. Some ex-communicants had participated in defaming and exclusion processes against others. A broad spectrum within the group was studied, from young college-age women excommunicated after only a year in the group to key elders, administrators, editors, and national leaders of the movement, many of whom had been in the group for up to 15 years. Five tapes of excommunication meetings were analyzed. The targets and witnesses were interviewed for cross-verification purposes, as well as for a balanced perspective. Excommunication letters from the sect to the targets, and any letters from the target back, were analyzed. A large body of letters from ex- members to ex-members or to present members, or vice-versa, was also studied. Parents of sect members were interviewed for their perspectives and impressions, and investigations into the sect's behavior, as observed by university officials and legal authorities, were also utilized. All of these supporting documents were then related to a content analysis of the sect's own explanations of its excommunication and rejection practices, an Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 46

aspect of the data-gathering process that was relatively free from ambiguity since the sect has much published material on its theology of exclusivism. The primary source for analysis is the sect‘s magazine, which carries articles on church norms, expectations, and doctrinal statements. A special double issue (June/July 1985) was devoted entirely to the explanations of church doctrines on excommunication, shunning, slander, faction, and obedience/loyalty. Other issues as well as numerous books published by the sect were used to gather definitions and perspectives on the sect‘s organizational framework, member role expectation, and the primary goals and purposes of the group. Lectures from the sect's national and regional conferences were also analyzed, since much of the sect's teaching centers around communicational controls and the serious nature of certain boundary violations. Reliable estimates, based upon excommunication letters, as well as witnesses from most of the sect's churches, place the number of individuals excommunicated from the sect at approximately five hundred. It has been found, for example, that upwards of twenty members have been rejected at a single time in several of the sect's local churches - events labeled ―great purges‖ by ex- members, and ―purification processes‖ by the sect‘s leadership. It also needs to be mentioned that nearly all of these excommunications came after 1976, or within a ten-year period. Most of these five hundred targets have been contacted, and these individuals have expressed great willingness to participate in the research. Verifying their stories was time-consuming, but relatively simple since, in nearly every case, diaries, logs, letters, and other supplemental sources were produced with careful attention given to dates, times, locations, and participants. Thus, cross-checking was easily done. Many of the excommunications are so well-documented that a reliable history of the events can be recreated in great detail. Such precise documentation is the result of the sect's own requests that members keep diaries and logs of the daily victories they experience in their ―work for the Lord.‖ Documents hastily written during the target's confrontations with the sect‘s leadership were also studied. Some were written on restaurant napkins and placemats, on pages tom off phone books, and on paper towels when members took notes in the security of the restroom. This collection of documents is in such an unusual form because the targets were not allowed any witnesses or tape recorders, or even to take notes on the confrontations as they took place. Without the faithfulness of these subjects in recording and keeping their evidence, a comprehensive study such as this would have been nearly impossible. A high level of suspiciousness was observed among those interviewed. This ―paranoia‖ may have developed primarily as a result of this sect‘s exclusionary practices. Secret meetings, discussions of members behind their backs, the spying on members' behaviors and communications, the recording of conversations, the presence of ―witnesses‖ at meetings, all seem to have contributed to a general suspicion and fear. Subjects were often reluctant to speak without a witness of their choice present and/or a tape recorder running. Phone interviews were listened to by third parties. The sect's targets were particularly suspicious of representatives of religion (clergy or devotees) and individuals in positions of authority. Many failed in school work, or marriage, and lived in what appeared to be a nearly immobile psychological state. Throughout the course of the interviews, it was obvious that the vast majority of subjects were revealing their experiences for the first time, and only a handful had dared even seek psychological or professional help. As a result, often a great sense of relief and catharsis occurred as banished members realized that their experiences were not totally unique. A Brief History of Oasis 1970-1987 The sect under study grew out of campus churches formed from 1970 through 1981 by a core of approximately fifty individuals from a variety of religious backgrounds. The denomination most represented by the innovative band was a small fundamentalist organization called the Plymouth

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Brethren. The apostles of the new sect were raised within the Brethren environment and were greatly influenced by many of its more exclusivistic teachings. Most of the fifty pioneers were disenchanted with their own churches. They believed that the commitment and dedication required to obey what they considered to be the ―heavenly vision‖ could only be accomplished by breaking away from the organized church and returning to the goals, purposes, and lifestyles of the ―first century Christians.‖ Spearheaded by two highly-charismatic and intense individuals, with far-reaching and ambitious plans for world conquest, the movement was born. Contacts made in the army, friends from high school, and other disgruntled religious seekers gathered around these men, captured their dreams, and helped set in motion what they believed was ―God's great and only holy work in this generation.‖ The population selected for recruitment by this dedicated band of believers was college student at secular universities. Starting in the Midwest and traveling from campus to campus in a rejuvenated school bus, the group proselytized on campus, ―hawking‖ freshmen in registration lines, going door to door in the dorms (―cold turkey evangelism‖), and singing contemporary gospel songs in and around well-traveled areas. Their efforts met with enough success to confirm their belief that ―God was with them.‖ Intricately tied to this band‘s dedication was an unflinching belief that the world was coming to an end within their lifetimes, and that the millennium would be ushered in by Jesus Christ in the middle of World War III (Armageddon). This fanatical urgency is reflected in the non-denominational name they ascribed to themselves, ―The Blitz,‖ or ―Blitzers,‖ named after Hitler's swift and surgically precise attacks against the enemies of Nazism. Military terms soon became a part of the sect‘s vocabulary, and comparisons to Nazi war tactics gave way to strategies derived from Communist revolutionary tracts as the movement gained strength. Within a few short years, over two dozen ―works‖ were raised up across the west and midwest. National conferences were held all summer long, and even more ambitious plans were laid for further ―invasions.‖ By the summer of 1973, nearly 1,000 attended the movement's national conference held on an eastern campus. Fifteen new campuses were ―hit‖ that summer by hundreds of excited recruits fresh from the conference, and the movement continued to gain strength. One ―work,‖ started on a Midwestern university campus, grew from 20 to 300 within approximately a year. The largest and most mature group, and the home of the two founders, was located on a Big Eight campus and numbered around 500. Shunning a denominational nametag, or any ―real‖ name for that matter, these campus works met on university property under a plethora of different campus organizations they created BASIC (Brothers and Sisters In Christ), Solid Rock Fellowship, Campus Biblical Studies, Cornerstone, and numerous others. Although the group often openly criticized all other Christian organizations, including fundamentalist ones, they were also shrewd in granting themselves favorable association with well-known or respected religious organizations on campus, especially if the university administration or the religious community desired more information about ―the church with no name.‖ Yet within the organization, clear distinctions between the sect and the rest of mainline Christianity had been taught. By the mid-1970's, the movement grew to 5,000 committed and dedicated ―workers‖ who were willing to quit school and move thousands of miles at a moment‘s notice. Many lived in abject poverty ―for the sake of the gospel,‖ forgoing potential careers and degrees to conquer the world.

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Great emphasis was placed on leadership and loyalty. Every male was expected to be ―raised up to be an elder of God's people.‖ Women, on the other hand, were expected to be totally submissive to their husbands or to male authority if single. Since every decision affected how effective members would be in ―reaching the world,‖ counsel was sought for even the minutest details. The average age of the general membership of the movement was twenty, and most were college drop-outs. Those with some type of formal religious training could be counted on one hand. Because of the rapid growth of the movement, organizational administration was severely handicapped. Churches were widely scattered and it became increasingly difficult for the founders to make their edicts and interpretations known, and more importantly, followed. Along with the rapid rise in new ―works‖ came the rapid appointment of more and more elders who, theoretically, were on the same plane of authority as the founders and the original ―Blitz.‖ Elders' meetings were characterized by more and more varied opinions, and a theology of relativism was apparent as leaders from different ―works‖ mentioned what strategies and teachings seemed to work in their locales. Much of what was presented differed dramatically from the ideas of the founders. Although the movement claimed to have a plurality of leadership, many leaders were caught in double-binds when they found themselves in direct opposition to the basic ―principles‖ of the movement By 1980, it was clear that a restructuring of church organization was necessary if the founders were to maintain control of their widely diverse set of churches. Attempts at talking some leaders out of their positions (i.e., ―stepping down‖) for the most part failed. Many leaders allegedly requested that a national organization be formed, and that the movement become a full-fledged denomination. In 1982, the loosely-organized band of churches became one national church, with the two founders declared its apostles. Along with this restructuring came what some ex-members called a ―Stalin-like‖ purge of dozens of elders who might be a threat to the stability of the new organization. Demands of 100% loyalty to the new organization and its apostles were apparently heard in every church with ties to the original ―Blitz.‖ Money, once freely given and utilized, was to be accounted for in every church. Every member was expected to give the first of all that he had to the church. Each local church was then to give ten-percent of all it collected to the sects apostles via ―OASIS, INC.‖ Resisters and dissenters were often severely punished. Some elders became ―hatchet men‖ for the organization, aiding in purging churches anywhere, anytime. Families were separated as wives or husbands abandoned their familial responsibilities, since loyalty to the organization superseded all other loyalties. The sudden return of numerous banished and dazed members to the mainstream of social life concerned many who knew a little about the history of the sect, or had watched or participated in the movement since its inception. ―Grisly‖ tales surfaced about what the movement ―really‖ was like. Since the movement always was characterized by extremely strict rules on communication, many pieces of the puzzle only surfaced when ex-members, freed from communicational bondage, finally expressed what they had heard, seen, and experienced. Along with organizational consolidation of churches and members under the banner of OASIS, another consolidation was taking place - that of ex- members. Some ex-members found part-time jobs as quasi-deprogrammers and lecturers to several anti-cult organizations around the country. Others actively sought to help others out of the group through contacting parents, legal officials, the media, and other religious organizations. With ex-members fighting back, the sect imposed even more rigorous standards of communicational control. Conference brochures were accompanied with dire warnings for any Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 49

participants who accepted literature or engaged in a conversation with anyone outside of the conference setting. Members who had left ―in good standing‖ were excommunicated ex post facto to preclude any contact with friends still in the group. Anyone who attended any ex-member conference would be excommunicated latae sententiae (a sentence which takes effect immediately as the crime is committed), as well as anyone who listened to an evil report about the church or its leadership. Excommunication latae sententiae helped initiate the procedure inquisiiio (since latae sententiae implied excommunication without trial), and the entire membership became self-appointed watchdogs on other members. Inquisitio was activated by public rumor (fama). There seems to be no doubt that internal and external circumstances have aided in the development of a modem-day inquisition within the sect under scrutiny. Several parallels to the elaborate development of the ―Holy Inquisition‖ of the Middle Ages on continental Europe have been observed. Setting the Stage: Describing Coercive Environments OASIS, which is devoted to world conquest, is utopian in outlook. Utopias can be secular (as in B.F. Skinner's Walden II) or religious. They can be communal or revolutionary. Communal utopians are, by and large, practical, offering specific compensators for specific activities. They are generally individualistic and sedentary. They may tend toward passivity (e.g., the hippie communes of the 1960s), or be ideologically oriented into specific cultures (e.g., the various intellectual splinter groups of the drug culture, or the counter-culture.) Revolutionary utopias, on the other hand, are mobile and aggressive, utilizing and exploiting both internal and external conflict Revolutionary utopias are ―evangelistic‖ and stress the importance of a common set of mobilizing symbols. They emphasize the power of the collectivity in a general neo-fascist corporate identity. Revolutionary utopias tend to be emotion-oriented; that is, though the bringers of utopia may be highly intellectual, the common man is made to thrive on his inner feelings of awe and mysticism. Revolutionary utopias grant general compensators for the collectivity as a whole. As a consequence, individuality is not rewarded, except as it is expressed through devotion and commitment to the cause and its leaders. Though both the communal utopia and the revolutionary utopia claim truth, the revolutionary utopia has more of a tendency to develop the structural components that ultimately lead to doctrines, norms, and behaviors such as are observed within OASIS. Defining Utopia as Entity Because OASIS considers the true church to be ―the body of Christ,‖ sect members see themselves as part of a living body. The idea of Utopia is synonymous with OASIS's concept of ―the church.‖ OASIS often discusses its organization in reified terms. ―Don't come back until you get right with OASIS,‖ implies not only the possibility of committing crimes against the organization, but the need to receive forgiveness by the organization. Many of the individuals excommunicated were expelled for ―slandering OASIS.‖ Elders accuse defectors of being ―jealous of the work of God.‖ OASIS describes sin within the church in medical terms; such as ―infection,‖ ―leprosy,‖ ―disease,‖ and ―slow rot‖ The expulsion of its deviants is likened to ―surgery,‖ ―amputation,‖ ―pruning,‖ and ―vomiting.‖ It has been stated that leaving OASIS is likened to leaving God. Disobeying sect leaders is like disobeying God, and there is no doubt that excommunication procedures are employed, not for crimes against God, but for crimes against the church. In the sect's thinking, there apparently is no difference between them Defining the Utopian Enemy: The Ideological World-Order A utopian movement actively condemns the established ideological order (in this case both church and state), and proposes to overthrow as the only way to usher in the utopian alternative. In

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OASIS's case, the new order is understood within the broad concept of the millennium, a period of great happiness, good government, and total freedom from wickedness. ―Ideology,‖ as it is used here, includes the ―apostate‖ church - the global community of religious seekers or established believers who have strayed from the pristine faith and are dissolved into ―the world.‖ In this way, the world is often referred to as ―Babylon, the great harlot,‖ and the established religions as apostates, or worse, worshippers of Babylon. Because a utopian movement can never merge with ideology, a strategy of infiltration, revolution, and deception develops to fill the significant structural void created when negotiation, compromise, and unilateral dialogue are impossible to pursue. Utopia is conflict-oriented, while ideology, though usually stable, lethargic, and unresponsive, is oppressive toward utopian challenges. OASIS's justification of Jihad (Moslem term for ―Holy War‖) with the enemies of Utopia is not difficult to find. Reference to war with evil politicians, enemy countries, wicked sinners, as well as the justifications for ―marking‖ and ―bringing down‖ sinners and attacking the unrighteous can be found in nearly every issue of OASIS's magazines, public Bible studies, and leadership training sessions. Utopian movements seek to overthrow the status quo ante by contrasting the obvious weaknesses of ideology with the refreshing zeal, confidence, and idealism that form the basis of the revolution. Yet, no social order can survive without a strong appeal to legitimacy, authority, and tradition. Utopias, therefore, must be presented as a logical more accurate form of government with a correct view of the great questions of humanity. Utopia must claim to cure social ills, cleanse men's souls, and represent truth. Its founders must present utopian truths as novel or pristine within the framework of commonly honored modes of legitimacy. Utopian movements must capitalize on common Symbolic that would appeal to ideology's more inactive, dormant members. Utopia must appeal to converts in three interrelated areas: (1) A set of common beliefs that grants significant purpose to life and renders it trustworthy, the most immediate and obvious expression of utopian ―culture;‖ (2) a set of clear organizational institutions and strategies that regulate social action and create a controlled sense of community; and (3) a constellation of self-help or salvation therapies that shape the psychological traits and the content of individual characters. A clearly defamed utopian movement seems to appeal especially to idealistic youth, and it is not uncommon to find most utopian movements targeting youth as their primary population. Placing a utopian religious movement within a broader historical context can present problems for the ―bringers of utopia.‖ They must present themselves as radically different from past religious utopias. Within OASIS, this problem is dealt with through a theory of progressive revelation, not of doctrine, which it believes is complete within the Bible, but of strategies of organization, structure, and conversion. Consequently, OASIS refers to the strategy of world conquest as the ―Heavenly Vision.‖ OASIS envisions the implementation of new utopian strategies that are cloaked within the pages of the Bible and which have just now been clearly revealed. This revelation makes the rest of Christianity apostate. Utopia and Totalism Utopias can carry the segmentation of normative life to extremes of such magnitude that totalist control systems arise. Such a system requires of its adherents extremes of devotion, participation, and relationships. These extremes can become so well-defined and specific that an individual's entire life may be reduced to a checklist of conforming behaviors, attitudes, and activities. Often the remaining world is seen as ―deceitful,‖ ―apostate,‖ or ―ruled by the devil.‖ As a result, there is an extremely strong emphasis on boundary maintenance and a tendency to develop a segmented ethic and a utilitarian purpose cloaked in utopian ideals.

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Utopia as a Bicameral Normative System As a utopian movement, for whatever reason, fashions and utilizes a totalist environment, its surface allurements begin to evaporate. Idealistic visions of utopia contrast starkly with the pragmatic maintenance of utopia. Equality, freedom of expression and thought, the atmosphere of love and caring, and the wholesome development of individuality often get in the way of utopia's pragmatic goals. Yet the utopia‘s ideals are its main attraction and they cannot be thrown away without losing its unique purpose as the over thrower of ideology. The abstract idealism of utopia gives little practical support for adequately managing utopia. The conflict between panacea and pragmatism is resolved by the creation of a bicameral normative system. Bicamerality is defined here as a dual set of norms in operation at the same time, with the surface norms subservient to the deeper, hidden designs and purposes of an organization or group. Surface norms stress the idealism and the righteousness of the cause. Below the surface, however, are a set of underlying norms that efficiently run the organization. In a bicameral system, boundary maintenance is the crucial interface between successful recruitment outside legitimation, and the suppression or cloaking of underlying structural norms and strategies. Within OASIS, the most crucial boundary, and the one with the most rigid controls, centers around out-going and in-coming information. This boundary is not focused primarily on mass media, however, but specifically on conversations to and from individuals from outsiders to members, from members to outside individuals, and even from one member to another. Controlling information is the key to the maintenance of purity within the organization and the prevention of negative or dangerous ideologies from entering. An elaborate dual system of information is thus in operation, one for potential members, public relations, and legitimization purposes and another for the actual members of the sect The Functions of a Bicameral Normative System The leadership of a utopian movement produces bicamerality as a reaction to the perceived infiltration of dangerous ideological perspectives. Because this infiltration can take place from without or from within, an atmosphere of suspicion and watchfulness comes to permeate the movement When individual members question the leadership about extremes of sect teaching or behavior, they are most often met with childlike guidelines for dealing with their confusion. The sect emphasizes simple submission, unquestioning obedience and childlike trust, as well as member acceptance of the belief that their ―untrained‖ ability for spiritual discernment renders their opinions and concerns unwarranted or ―worldly.‖ They are taught to distrust their own perceptions and observations. A stress on loyalty by sect leadership indicates the prevalence of a wide variety of disconfirming information that is perceived to be damaging to the sect. Continual collective efforts to rationalize disconfirming information of behaviors through public teaching and publishing most often result These underlying norms are sometimes innocuous and non-threatening, and members can function freely, oblivious to the implications of the norms. However, when these norms impinge upon the personal freedom of an individual, the whole atmosphere of a member's world can change. As an individual attempts to readjust the ―norm‖ to fit his own conscience, he falls out of line with the group. As he begins to voice his right to behave differently, - especially, he argues, in areas of liberty - he becomes labeled as dangerous or a threat. He can yield to group pressure and deny his perceptions or beliefs, or he can pursue his ―demonic thinking,‖ bring about an organizational crisis, and activate the deviance production process. He then becomes subject to the deeper, control-oriented norms of the bicameral system. The cyclic organizational crises generated by deviants are used to instruct members on the sect‘s underlying values and norms, which might not be readily accepted in a low-tension environment. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 52

Although bicameral normative structures may appear to operate on the ―idealistic‖ level in times of low tension, their capacity to do this depends upon the members' remembering, in times of peace, the rewards and punishments meted out during a crisis. The crisis thus enhances the leadership's control over general members while it expels threatening deviants. The Bringers of Utopia: The “Sin-Potential” Status A survey of 19 exiting members of this sect was taken at the University of Illinois. Seventeen separate statuses were listed and were ranked by the respondents as to ―sin-potential.‖ A rank of ―1‖ indicated the least likelihood for committing sin, and a rank of ―17‖ indicated the greatest likelihood for committing sin. All of the respondents indicated that the status ―apostle‖ was the one carrying the least possibility for committing sin. All of the respondents indicated that the status ―elder,‖ ―deacon,‖ and ―leader were the next three best statuses to have. On the bottom end, all placed ―ex-member‖ at numbers 15-17 (M = 15.8; SD = .76), ―unbeliever‖ slightly lower (M = 16.2; SD = .71), and ―factious man‖ at the bottom (M = 16.5; SD = .7). Though the population sample was small, it is important to note that these individuals had left the group approximately one month earlier and all but two had not undergone any type of counseling, deprogramming, or other professional intervention. In many respects, some were still mentally and emotionally in the group. This survey is important in two ways. First, within the group is the dominant belief that the leaders have very little likelihood of committing sin. Consequently, a label placed upon an individual by these leaders is accepted as fact and truth. Secondly, a member who dares leave the group immediately receives a ―sin-potential‖ status basically equal to an ―unbeliever.‖ Hence, the label ―deviant,‖ coming from the leaders of the sect, is going to be doubly accepted. The ―sin-potential‖ status undergirds an organizational hierarchy that is created as a result of the firm belief in the inherent morality of the group. Members not only believe that they are part of God‘s church, but that they are the only obedient believers. Members, as God's chosen people, have been ―blessed‖ with God-appointed, righteous leaders on the same caliber as the patriarchs of old. Since sect leaders are God-appointed, whatever they do or say must be God- appointed as well. Irving Janis (1972) discovered this foundational concept even within the secular political environment The shared belief that ―we are a good and wise group‖ inclines them to use group concurrence as a major criterion to judge the morality as well as the efficacy of any policy under discussion. ―Since our group's objectives are good,‖ the members feel, ―any means we decide to use must be good.‖ This shared assumption helps the members avoid feelings of shame or guilt about decisions that may violate their personal code of ethical behavior. Shared negative stereotypes that feature the evil nature of the enemy would enhance their sense of moral righteousness as well as their pride in the lofty mission of the in-group. (pp. 256-257) This organizational hierarchy, based upon sin-potential, perpetuates the concept that exmembers are ex-members because they are more inclined to sin. If the members believed that all people were on an equal footing as far as committing ―sin,‖ the one-sided justice system found within the group would be practically impossible to sustain. Creating a Definitional Elite: The Classification Priesthood The hierarchical sin-potential status allows those with the presumed least likelihood for committing sin to form and maintain a ―classification priesthood‖ which is essential to the success of the group. The goal of the classification priesthood is not only to enforce doctrine, but to explain and proclaim the norms of the group. Members of this sect are given access to secret meetings after they have successfully passed an approval process similar to a ―security clearance,‖ in which the established leadership conducts a Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 53

number of thorough investigations and observations. Once this initial step is taken and the individual accepts the invitation, a result analogous to that within the nuclear research and development area, occurs. ―An individual officially becomes a member of the classification priesthood, agreeing to participate in its rituals and to abide by its regulations. Above all, the person may swear never to disclose classified information to unauthorized persons...‖ (Hilgartner, Ball & O'Connor, p. 59). Once accepted into the elitist camp, the potential leader is subjected to a period of indoctrination. The analogy with government secrecy continues: ―The DOE (Department of Energy) maintains a program of continuing classification education to make sure that no one forgets his or her responsibilities‖ (P. 59). In addition, ―once a person accepts a security clearance, his or her ability to engage in public debate is compromised‖ (p. 59). The result is a serious segmentation of the sect into members given ―access‖ to the sect's secrets and inner mechanics and those within the sect but not granted security clearance. ―Those who know won't speak, and those who don't know cannot speak with authority‖ (Livingstone, 1955:756). The classification priesthood, coupled with the sin-potential hierarchy, places the doctrinal proclamations and enforcements of OASIS leadership on a near infallible level. The priesthood creates the illusion of invulnerability, where confidence is total and decisions are very rarely challenged, if questioned at all. The priesthood also fosters an unwavering belief in the inherent morality of its actions, which causes members to either ignore or minimize the ethical or moral consequences of the priesthood's decisions (Janis, 1972). Coercive Persuasion and Deviance Production: A Descriptive Analysis The initial process of member/sect conflict is generally caused by a leak of information into the group from the outside. This leak is beyond the group's control, because, being evangelistically utopian, the sect must continually send out ―deployable agents‖ (Lofland and Stark, 1965, p. 873) into the world for proselytizing purposes, as well as public relations work. The sect is thus caught in a bind. Its main purpose is external activity, yet this very activity brings the sects members into close contact with the secular world. This close relationship with the outside world has the tendency to erode the mythical aspects of the sect's segmented environment Intensive interaction between deployable agents and prospective converts can create ―seeds of doubt‖ about the veracity of the sect's mission. It can also dissipate the picture of a stark ―good/evil,‖ ―black/white‖ world that has been built in the deployable agents mind. From information inadvertently obtained from outside the sect, a member might start his own investigation of problems with the sect's doctrines, norms, and purposes. Because of this built-in possibility, members are continually exhorted to ―touch base‖ with other members. Many live together in communal houses, have regular meetings on a daily basis where they tell ―war stories‖ of their experiences ―in the world,‖ and continually reinforce the sects segmentation. Hence, in many cases, the deployable agent has little time for reflective thinking. Furthermore, members' time away from the sect is often monitored. If members miss more than one or two meetings, they may be reproved for ―forsaking fellowship.‖ There have even been a few cases of excommunication for this .crime‖ of lax participation in group activities. Members who go home to visit friends and relatives are sometimes encouraged not to stay too long because ―you may lose your sense of purpose,‖ or more often, ―may lose the vision.‖ At conferences, (particularly Leadership Training '86), ―canned‖ letters of progress, that are written by the leadership, are sent to the families of participating members. In addition to the regular church-wide meetings, there are smaller home groups that also meet, and even smaller ―cell‖ groups of eight to a dozen members overseen by one or two leaders. These cell groups are for ―accountability and encouragement‖ A member's schedule is so filled with activity that it is very difficult for some reflectively to think about any conflicting information or behaviors that they may see.

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Becoming a Candidate for Deviance A member can become a candidate for the deviance label by either receiving literature from a non-member or talking with a non-member. If members engage in such activity, they are reported to the sect's leadership. At this point, members also may be placed on ―the list,‖ and marked as a ―potentially dangerous individual.‖ Another way in which one becomes a candidate for deviance is simply to begin to think about and evaluate what is taking place within the sect. One may not need to get information from the outside, but simply begin to notice contradictions and unethical practices from within. Usually, this process happens to those who have ―passed the tests‖ of loyalty and devotion and have been recognized as leaders. These members are then allowed to develop relationships with the sects inner leadership and structure. They are given access to the private leadership meetings, the national elders' conferences, as well as admission into the classification priesthood. Over 50 elders, administrators, editors, media and public relations executives, and business partners have left the sect and have been placed on ―the most dangerous fist.‖ A few have been officially labeled as factious, but most of them have been labeled as ―victims‖ of a handful of despicably evil individuals who continually are mentioned when defections occur. Members can become potential candidates for excommunication by simply asking what the sect calls ―fingerprint questions.‖ These questions are, in a sense, classified, and may indicate that the member has waded through the surface ―PR‖ and has grasped the significance of the underlying issues and norms of the group. Possible responses of the sect to this problem are: removal from leadership positions (―stepping down‖), enforced sabbaticals (―exile‖), secret investigations (―marking‖), and inquisitions (―gangups‖). The actual response to a specific situation depends entirely upon the target's response to the information or the questions that he has. If members keep it to themselves and are not seen by others, they can continue undetected in their regular role. If members share the information with the leadership, they are subjected to intensive ―reeducation‖ campaigns where the questions are skirted and the member is exhorted about violating communicational norms. This example is appropos: [Dave] At DC '86, ... [one of the sects apostles] taught on submission. His talk really bothered me. Actually there were a lot of things at DC '86 that really bothered me. One of the main things was his talk on loyalty. We had some questions we wanted to ask him. We weren't sure that we agreed with him. After the talk we went and talked to him about a couple of the points about loyalty and leadership. Basically, he just told us, ―We shouldn't even be asking him these things. We should just accept them on his authority.‖ And when that was explained to me I thought, ―You've got to be kidding.‖ How can you just accept that because he says so? He just said that we were too critical a lot of times and we have to learn how to be ―in our place.‖ If the member continues to share his information, questions, or concerns after he approaches the leadership, the sect‘s inquisition process is often set in motion. Depending upon the seriousness of the information and the status of the individual, the inquisition can go on subtly and secretly for years, or it can be accomplished in a matter of days or even hours. It is important to note here that the only way someone is not ―marked‖ is by suppressing normal communicational and rational mental processes after hearing a ―negative report,‖ or training himself to actually block out, negotiate, or reinterpret what he sees and hears. Deviance in a Non-falsifiable System Members are subjected to strict guidelines regarding the receipt of information. ―Negative‖ information about leaders and the group is always slander and an evil report. Members are also Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 55

taught that ―you can be divisive over truth,‖ that slander may even be ―an innocent question or a harmless statement.‖ They are told that factious statements are ―dainty morsels,‖ that a factious dialogue can be .as smooth as butter,‖ and that members can even be ―sinful and wicked with their questions.‖ Members are instructed that ―it's not the facts that are at issue, but the way they were shared.‖ They are informed that ―the issue is not theology but the division and divisiveness that results when people talk.‖ They are warned that ―slander is covered up by switching over to doctrinal issues.‖ They are even informed that if members are allowed ―to talk things out, their hearts will be drawn away‖ from the sect. [Angie] Concerning [the 1976 excommunication], I understand that it was a disagreement between [the elder] and [the founder] but it was the consensus apparently of everyone that [the elder] was being factional and divisive and that his attitude was heretical. But there were no specific points of doctrine that we were told about in which he had actually aired [sic]. Any inquiries were met with, ―Well, that's not very edifying to discuss.‖ Edifying speech was the wall that you ran into any time you wanted any information or any time you wanted to divulge any information. For instance, when I went to my husband [an elder in the sect] about it... he regarded it as my being ―overly sensitive and overly emotional,‖ that I was being unedifying and that I was dwelling on things that the Lord did not want me to think about - that I was dwelling on the negative. And then he was always exhorting me to ―just keep focusing on these positive things, sister, because the devil was really messing with my mind.‖ Everything I thought and saw was completely invalidated by the elders. And it was always a problem with my attitude and my perceptions of things... With the [1976 excommunication] there seemed to be the same attitude that this was so bad what he did that it would really be unedifying to talk about especially with younger believers, but I was still never told anything specific because it was all based upon the fact that we didn't need to have our minds sullied with the sins of others. Even though these rules seem overly stringent if not impossible to follow consistently, sect members view these guidelines as necessary to maintain purity within the movement. The underlying principles that seem to make it all work are that the sect has the ―truth‖ and there is nowhere else to go, that members me so susceptible to being deceived that they need an external conscience to define the situation for them, and that the group and the leadership are basically infallible. The environment within the sect is non-falsifiable. In other words, there does not appear to be the slightest bit of information that can prove that the group, its leaders, or its operations are wrong. This non-falsifiable system is tied to the concept of ―sin-potential‖ and thereby strengthens the system of cognitive and information control. Members are called upon not only to question their own reality-validation mechanisms, but to deny reality itself. Members are told that what appeared to them to be an ―innocent conversation‖ was in reality a slanderous and factious encounter with the potential to lure them away from the truth. Members, then, are pressured to accept falsehoods as truths by denying the validity of their own means of ascertaining the truth. The nonconforming member who questions or comes into conflict with the bicameral normative system must grapple with enormous loneliness and doubt. [Darcy] Even before I was excommunicated it was incredible - how these people could say, ―I love you but I can't talk to you.‖ And how they could go from being interested so much in your life to just ignoring you. I just didn't understand it and there was a lot of confusion. I felt bad. I felt guilty because I was doing this to them. I felt guilty because they were having not to talk to me. I didn't understand where this was coming from. I felt that maybe I did do the wrong thing. That whole semester I went round and round - ―Did I do the right thing?‖ ―Did I pray about it enough?‖ ―Did I listen to slander?‖ I was always apologizing for my position. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 56

Blame and uncertainty are focused upon basic human interactions: talking, listening, thinking, wondering, seeing, as well as on the actual objects and events that are perceived. The sect employs a series of reductionist techniques that impoverishes members from seeing that there may be other possible explanations for events and observations. The sect‘s classification procedures are operationalized through a standardized set of procedures that are assumed to be objective and unbiased. The idea that there are multiple ways for something to become known or verified without going through this standardization system is condemned and those who circumvent the system are punished. [Elders] Men that were elders in this church, would do this [become traitors]. You need to recognize that Satan is at work, and he is deceptive and is crafty... it's real, it's God's word, and the picture is one of the arch enemy of God and of the saints. His work is deceptive and ifs crafty. That's why we have to bring about this situation. You know the first response of what this does is, it'll happen in your heart, it happened in my heart, was, what is it they're [the ex-elders] sharing? What is it they're saying? You know, your ear kinda perks up; ―I'd like to know that I want to find that out. You know, maybe there is something goin' on that's not right and I ought to know about that so I can evaluate it.‖ And, and that's our first response, and that's not the response we should have. The Mechanics of Expulsion: Selecting the Core Participants If the crisis situation has the potential to do immediate damage to either the local church or the national movement, mainly due to the status of the individuals and/or their militance in sharing the information, the sect sets in motion a furious set of responses. Often, core participants in the excommunication process are selected from among the most loyal leaders from around the nation. They are called and asked to drop everything and fly to an undisclosed destination for an initial emergency meeting. More often, the situation is handled by the local leadership, and sometimes this definitional meeting is guided by frequent phone conversations with leaders who have engaged in their own excommunication processes. The initial meeting is somewhat light-hearted at first, and those who see no humor in the discussions and/or purpose are clearly identified. In one preliminary meeting, 25 participants, both male and female, were present. Out of these, only ten survived to the second and more secret caucus, all male. The first discussion justifies both the meeting and the subsequent decisions that they hope to reach. A statement of the leadership's intentions and a general description of the target's behavior is put forward. At the outset the focus of the meeting is clearly on the target, which, because of the sin-potential and non-falsifiability factors, predisposes the participants to view favorably the leadership in all subsequent discussions. This meeting is also intended as a training film for new leadership, a purpose that is rarely communicated. During one excommunication meeting, participants in earlier definitional meetings were informed of this training function: [Elders] Oh, we already decided what we were going to do with the woman before we called that meeting with you men. We just called it to see if you men were ready to become leaders by coming to the same conclusions as we did. Since none of you did, we'll just have to wait until you men mature more. The meeting was solely for your benefit. Those allowed participation in the initial meeting who do happen to agree, have passed the first of a series of loyalty and betrayal tests. If this is a second or third time around for some members, and if they remember what disagreeing in times past entails, they may be more likely to acquiesce especially if agreeing is one of the more important criteria for becoming an elder in the movement Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 57

Within this sect, public compliance is not so much based upon the rightness of the judgments or the superiority of leadership ideas, but upon the superiority of their power and apparently unimpeachable position: Commonly held norms and values are ignored by powerholders when such norms and values appear to threaten or restrict the powerholder's use of his resources. Basically, the norms that are changed are those that interfere with the exercise of power. (Kipnis, 1976:176) Here, Kipnis argues that in a crisis a normative system is modified if it restricts the social control agents, and, after the crisis, reverts back to acceptable levels. In essence, the control system moves from martial law to business as usual In this sect, quasi-totalitarian norms do not change, but fluctuate in emphasis. Public compliance is influenced by the concept of spiritual ―experts.‖ The sect teaches that when a man is recognized as an elder, God bestows upon him a supernatural wisdom that can direct him in even the most difficult of decisions. Members attain eldership by being effective communicators or preachers, or unwavering displays of loyalty to the cause and the leadership. External displays are rewarded, while inner development is, by and large, suspect until the individual begins to display confirmed behavior patterns already defined as growth by the classification priesthood. The Loyalty and Betrayal Funnels Once gathered together in a secret excommunication meeting in which the initial definition and purpose are laid out by the leadership, all the participants are placed in a Catch-22 situation: either they publicly express loyalty to the leaders by betraying one of their members, or they express loyalty to a member by betraying the leadership. The catch is in the definition. The target has been accused of disobeying authority or undermining the leadership. He has not submitted to the decrees of the leadership and has made his insubordination public. AU these participants have been hand-picked by the leadership to decide the target's fate. The double-bind is that if one of these members disagrees, he is actually doing the very thing that the meeting was called to judge in the first place. In this regard, Leniert (1962) points out that such ―exclusionist group[s] demand loyalty, solidarity and secrecy from their members; they act in accord with a common scheme and in varying degrees utilize techniques of manipulation and misrepresentation‖ (p. 137). At a national leadership conference for sect members and their guests held in Washington, DC, in the summer of 1986, one of the sects national leaders explains his involvement in a secret meeting with four other men. The topic of discussion was the fate of another leader who had committed ―crimes‖ of such a nature that excommunication proceedings were initiated against him. This double-bind is clearly illustrated below: As an elder, I've been through our black years. After some of us were appointed as elders in Ames [Iowa], we had to put a brother out of the church. There were five of us ... We deliberated day and night over putting this one brother out of the church who was in sin. It was au coming together except for one dissenting vote. If you don't know this, the elders in your church and the elders in this church across the country have a very high standard. We do not operate on majority rules. We only operate on unanimous decisions. And unless we get unanimous decisions we don't make any moves. This is why sometimes we have long elders' meetings. [laughter] I remember during that time this brother definitely was in sin and definitely needed to be put out of the church, but there was one dissenting vote - me. I could not say, ―put that guy out of the church.‖ I knew he was in sin and I knew he was

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wrong. We deliberated for two days and I argued with a passion why we should not put this guy out of the church. Finally, Toni, who was one of the elders in the church in Ames at that time, said, ―Pete, let's go for a walk.‖ Laughter and jeers from the audience] And I said, ―Okay, let's go for a walk.‖ And he said, ―Pete, what's the problem?,‖ and I said, ―Tom, I don't know.‖ And then he said, ―Pete, there has to be a problem. This is clear as day what we have to do.‖ And then he looked me straight in the eyes and he said, ―Brother, what sin are you harboring in your heart? You cannot execute justice because you are not a righteous man.‖ And I didn't know if I should faint or throw up at that point. And I knew there was [sin in my life]. And I thought [reflectively] and I finally was humbled by God, and I said, ―You're right, Tom, there is a sin in my life. I have a sin in my life and I am no better off than that brother we're vying to put out of the church.‖ And Tom said, ―Brother, you need to repent and get right with God. And when you get right with God, come on back, we'll be waiting for you in the room.‖ And that was the end of our conversation. I went, got alone with the Lord - it took about two minutes, [Laughter from the crowd]. I told the Lord I was sorry, thanked Him for His forgiveness, walked into that room, took about five minutes to review the details, and one of the brothers looked at me... and he said, ―Pete, what do you think?‖ And I said, ―Good night, Art, I was as blind as a bat! This guy has got to go out on his ear if we're going to love this man, and if we're going to do right for the church!‖ Sin had blinded my eyes because I could not execute justice because there was wickedness there in my own heart In this case, the dissenting elder experienced an ad hominem shift. Argumentum ad hominem is an effective ploy used generously within the sect. Sometimes referred to as blame-shifting, argumentum ad hominem is a rhetorical tactic designed to disarm an opponent by attacking and/or appealing to feelings and attitudes rather than to the subject under discussion. The fact that this elder failed after two days of intensive lobbying by the other four leaders to be convinced that the target should be excommunicated literally forces the leadership to attempt another, more subtle, tactic than the one ineptly used for 48 hours. The head elder takes the unconvinced member aside for a walk and, in private, proceeds to convince the man of the ―wickedness‖ in his own heart In a matter of minutes the man is shown that he has been hindering the justice of God because of unconfessed sin in his own life. (e.g. see MacDonald, 1986). The earlier participants in such meetings express misgivings, the less hostages they will become, and the more readily able to survive the disagreement by a simple exclusion in subsequent meetings. If participants disagree after the process has gone on for a significant period of dm, they can actually be viewed as co-conspirators and even traitors themselves. [Tokens] may also be expected to demonstrate loyalty to the dominant group. Failure to do so results in further isolation; signs of loyalty permit the token to come closer and be included in more activities. Through loyalty tests, the group seeks reassurance that tokens will not turn against them or use any of the information gained through their viewing of the dominants' world to do harm to the group. They get his assurance by asking a token to join of identify with the majority against those others who represent competing membership or reference groups; in short, dominants pressure tokens to turn against members of the latter's own category. If tokens could, they make themselves psychological hostages of the majority group. (Kanter, 1977:172)

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Since disagreement casts suspicion on the system or the leaders, those who disagree are watched and placed on ―the lists‖; however, this practice of ―marking‖ often seems arbitrary and is done only according to the definition of the situation the leadership perceives at the time. People particularly close to a target are often not ―marked‖ because their disagreement is interpreted as ―emotional attachments that have clouded their ability to discern the truth.‖ Often, close friends are not even asked to participate in the initial secret meetings because they are less likely to accept the pretexts and definitions leaders direct toward the target. The result is usually that the participants who advance to the actual trial are extremely loyal to the leadership and have little personal relationship with the target. The Preemptive First Strike* and Target Response The first contact the secret group has with the target is generally a ―gang-up,‖ where sometimes a dozen men visit or ask the target to meet at a specific location. The target is not told with whom he is meeting and is usually called by someone he trusts. These gang-ups have occurred in members' homes, public parks, restaurants, and even locations such as train depots, airports, and bus terminals. This initial meeting is usually the first time the target has any knowledge of what has occurred previously. The target is approached about any questions concerning the leadership and sect he might have. He is also asked such questions as: ―Are you doubting the leadership?‖ ―Are you considering leaving the group?‖ ―Are you thinking about negative information?‖ and the key question, ―Are you going to be distributing that information?‖ One member related the contents of a call from an elder [Tom] (The elder said] ―These factious people like to target the leaders, they like to pick on the leaders.‖ He said, ―Well, I called to find out if you were planning on talking to any people in the church about why you left?‖ I said, ―Right now I don't plan on talking to anyone in the church although I feel that I am firm enough in conviction that I'm glad that I left and that I knew that I needed to leave.‖ The reason why I answered this way is because I had heard of him asking that question to people and their answers are what ended up getting them excommunicated, and I didn't want to be excommunicated... Often the targets are barraged during these early contacts with leadership's attempts to get them to admit they are guilty of crimes they do not see. If targets say they doubt the leadership, they have ―sinned‖ because they are never to doubt the leadership. If targets have talked to someone else about their concerns, they have ―sinned‖ because they are never to plant ―seeds of doubt‖ in others' minds about the leadership and/or the sect. Furthermore, if the targets do not agree with the group's definitions of behavior, they are immediately considered ―unrepentant‖ and ―unsubmissive.‖ The preemptive first strike is justified by what the sect leadership calls ―a loving and gentle reminder.‖ They are reminding the target of the potential consequences of his or her actions and words. Most often the church is warned about the targets possible actions before the target is even informed. This practice requires that suspected deviants be forcibly denied entry into their church: [Martha] I decided that I was going to leave. I couldn't stay in this group knowing what I did ... [Several of us who were thinking of leaving] went to a church meeting and we were met with a human wall. We were told that we were divisive and were not welcome. It was really very confusing. I remember saying to one of the elders ... ―Why won't you let me in?‖... And he said ... ―we're trying to protect the flock.‖ * Phrase coined by Janis, 1972, p. 269. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 60

... I was very confused about why I had been put on the first list [for excommunication], the divisive list [at that meeting], when [the elders] hadn't even contacted me. [An elder] explained that it was like you were [on campus] and there was a gunshot.. his first response would be to get everyone back and then go check it out because it would be more dangerous not to because you didn't know what that person with the gun was going to do. Well I was the person with the gun, needless to say, and his first response was to get all of my friends and everyone else in the church out of the way because they didn't know what I was going to do. And this example has come up over and over with me. The sect leadership seems to be using the strike-strike ploy as an opportunity to warn targets. Then, if they are eventually excommunicated, the leadership can tell the congregation, ―We warned them time and time again but they would not listen, so, when all else failed, we had no recourse but to excommunicate them.‖ The following portions of ―warning‖ letters to targets graphically illustrate the power and force of the initial secret meeting's definition of the target The targets receive a description of behavior that will be interpreted as grounds for excommunication: [Elders and Leaders] Because of your past we feel it necessary to warn both you and [your wife]. Any attempts to undermine the leadership of [our church], discuss your disagreement with people in this fellowship, or empathize with others who are discontent by lending a hearing ear, will be interpreted as faction (Tit. 3:10; Prov. 6:19). In another letter were these definitions: [Elders] We are grieved by your absence and the ―rumors‖... We are surprised by your spirit of independence... You are free to disagree and you are free to leave, but you are not free to undermine another's confidence in this leadership (James 5:9). We know that you want to be understood by your friends at [the church]. 'Mat is natural not spiritual. Sharing your reasons or getting together to discuss your grievances with others about this leadership creates a faction (Tit. 3:10). In so doing, you will only implicate your self [sic] in this sin and those with whom you communicate... Sowing fear, mistrust, doubt, and a spirit of independence is a work of the flesh ((Gal. 5:19-21). Please consider what we say... ―HE WHO DOES NOT GATHER WITH ME... SCATTERS!!!!‖ Mt. 12:30 Emphasis theirs.] The Inquisition Whether or not the preemptive first strike is sinister, in nearly every case the first shot makes the target shoot back. Targets don't understand what they have done, why the secret meetings were called, why friends would sign letters of warning, or what members have been told. And yet, targets are ordered not to talk to anyone about their concerns. At this stage, paranoia is a prime force in the conflict process (Lemert 1962). Subsequent ―gang-ups‖ are taped by targets, or minutes are written down. Targets become suspicious of not only the leadership and friends, but of the whole church. They feel they are being watched. Calls asking targets to talk are interpreted as a possible set-up. Every chance meeting could be a ―sting operation.‖ Harold's case is illustrative: [Harold] The elder called me and we set up a meeting - it was going to be all the elders that could make it, and I was going to bring a tape recorder. I talked to D____________ about it and he said, ―Sure, bring a tape recorder.‖ And we met at a University building. So I walked in and shook their hands and said ―Hi,‖ and then I turned the tape recorder on and set it down and took a seat. Then [D______ reached over casually and turned it off and then said, ―Well, let's talk about this.‖ Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 61

Basically what they [the elders] wanted to say about the tape recorder was that in thinking about it they decided that requiring a tape recorder on my part shows a real lack of trust and faith in the elders. And I told them and I'm not usually rude to people, but I told them that I didn't trust them. They had already used their authority to ostracize me from the only group of friends I had on campus and so, ―Ya, I didn't trust them.‖ They were a little taken aback but said, ―In any case, you're not going to have it. They told me that the tape recorder doesn't show a willingness to achieve resolution to rely on tape and witnesses. So I said, ―Well, forget the tape, just let me bring witnesses -- like a local pastor, or a neutral third party or one of the other ex-members -- excommunicated or non-excommunicated; I even suggested one of the church members whom I could trust. I said just bring them along but I want to have some third party. But they said, ―No, your problem is between you and us,‖ them being the representatives of the church. They said, ―If I was really serious about it -- if I really wanted to achieve resolution, that I would meet with them alone -- all of them, because they work as a whole and they have to all be there together.‖ They admitted that they have had a lot of experience in these things and could work things out the best. They thought they all had to be together to really do this right. The long and the short of it was that any approved meetings would have to be with as many elders that were in town and me alone. Of paramount importance is targets' belief that they do not know for sure what behavior precipitated the crisis, and are unsure of just how to modify their life to conform to the demands. This paranoia is then interpreted by the leadership as ―a lack of trust,‖ and ―an attitude problem of not believing the best.‖ The target's suspicious nature is used as further evidence of how much ―sin has eaten away at the soul.‖ Excommunications generally result. In the following case, Steve, like Harold, is excommunicated partly due to his paranoia: Steve called saying that he thought he was about to be excommunicated. ―Why?‖ I asked. He wasn't sure and was afraid something was going on behind his back. I suggested he tape the charges when the elders came by -- he got word of their impending visit When they came, the tape became the sign he really wasn't repentant … they gave him no specifics except for the big F [faction]. Steve thus became the first of many to be excommunicated for ―faction.‖ They gave him no room to hear their charges or repent -- they simply told him he was excommunicated. The preemptive first strike is essential to the production of deviance within this sect. This ―shoot-first-and-ask-questions-later‖ tactic actually triggers the behavior that was defined to the secret participants at the earlier time. Whether the initial behavior defined as deviant was real or contrived, the behavior after the first strike is generally quite obvious. Targets are perceived as factious and spreading lies and slander about the group. The group then warns targets about banned activities. Since targets believe that the behaviors in question haven't occurred, or were not ―deviant,‖ they try to acquit themselves, or, as their response becomes more focused, actually end up accusing the leadership of spreading lies and slander. However, since the core participants believe that the initial definitions of the situation must be true because elders are infallible, and since, in most cases, targets occupy a lower status, or have even left, the target's accusations against the elders are rarely investigated and are used to show to all that the individual is indeed slanderous and factious. Thus the ―sin-potential‖ status allows for the skillful use of secrecy when explaining a crisis to lower- status members:

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[Elders] I know there are questions, but we don't need to get into all the specifics, saints, and lay out the whole conversations and everything that we had with [the target], because we were there and that's what's taken place just like we've said. Secrecy aids in the creation of a mythical portrait of the target within each member's mind, even though no facts are shared by the leadership. In this regard, Graeme Newman (1978), in his discussion of the Holy Inquisition, notes that ―the secrecy in which [the inquisitions] were conducted stimulates the suspicious mind of the ordinary person and at the same time serves to prevent any record or investigation of ―what really went on.‖ (p.87). The main body of evidence used at the target's inquisition are his responses to the initial warnings. Exploiting “Catch-22s” and Frustration Formation Targets reported being placed in impossible dilemmas, in which targets confessed that they were guilty. If they did not confess their guilt, no reconciliation meetings took place. Moreover, the fact that no reconciliation meetings took place indicated that the targets were not only guilty, but were continuing to sin, because only active sinners would refuse to meet in reconciliation meetings. Targets often reported that reconciliation meetings were simply ―gang-ups‖ in which the leadership brought a support team but the targets were not allowed witnesses in their own defense. If the targets insisted on third party arbitrators, the leadership used that as evidence of a factious spirit, and of a basic lack of trust in the goodness of the elders. Anyone who lacks basic trust in the elders, the sect argues, obviously harbors negative attitudes, and negative attitudes could ―spread‖ to others. This may be accomplished by the targets' being militant in attempting to clear themselves. The following case serves to illustrate the numerous attempts by targets to ―legally‖ clear themselves by discussion with the elders. At this juncture, encounters with the non-falsifiable system are clearly focused. Members struggle in vain to apply the ―right‖ rules of communication and confrontation, only to discover they can never succeed. [Ralph] On Saturday I talked to [one of three local OASIS elders]-- and confronted him on Matthew 18, because I felt that he had dealt wrongly with me in going to the church first with what he considered sin in my life, without first confronting me on that, according to Matthew 18. We talked about several other things, and he said he would think about what I told him, and get back to me later. On the next Wednesday, I talked with them [the remaining two elders] and I confronted them both with the same thing, that they had gone to the church first about a specific sin that they ―saw‖ in my life without fast confronting me on it, and they both said that they did not feel that this was a Matthew 18 situation, but a Romans 16:17 situation, wherefore they thought they need not apply Matthew 18. The [next] Wednesday, [one of the elders] called our house... and felt it necessary to confront me on Titus 3, vv 10-11, which reads in the King James, ―A man that is an heretic after the first and second admonition reject; knowing that he as such is subverted, and sinneth, being condemned of himself.‖ [He] gave me a first warning... and after asking a particular question and talking for about one minute, he gave me a second warning... I got all three of them within a couple of minutes. He was kind of giving me this - ―Well, you shouldn't really be doing this [speaking what I know about the church]. I'll have to do something about it. And I said, ―Is this a warning? And he said, ―Yes.‖ And I said, ―Okay, I just wanted to know where we were at.‖ And then a minute later I said, ―Oh, is this the second warning?‖ And he said, ―Yes.‖ And I said, ―Well, where does that put m now?‖ And he said, ―This means that we are free to take disciplinary action against you.‖ And they did. I have written down that the next Tuesday... they had a church meeting where my sister, another one, and I were all rejected according to Titus 3.

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At this juncture, the next step varies dramatically from subject to subject. In some cases, another ―gang-up‖ takes place, almost always at the wee hours of the night, and a final appeal for repentance is proffered. Since most targets do not believe they committed crimes, and reaffirm their innocence, they are then informed that they are excommunicated. At the earliest convenience, the entire church is informed of the decision. The following testimony is illustrative. Charles, a leader in the sect, called a church-wide meeting to discuss how his local church could become more effective. This was a result of a survey he conducted where members were asked to list their gravest concerns about the church. This activity caused the other leaders to send for what ex-members have labeled ―the flying apostolic posse,‖ which began meeting in secret about Charles. [Charles] At 9:30, I was called to meet with nine brothers. There I was told to repent of calling that meeting ... and of not being submissive ... I didn't believe God was convicting me that that meeting was a sin, or that I was unsubmissive and therefore I couldn't repent. At 1:30 A.M. they let me go under discipline of the church. An example of another tactic occurred when a target was invited into a meeting under the ruse that several elders from around the country were gathering to discuss the problems the target [in this case an elder] had about the sect. The target had witnessed what he considered to be deceitful and underhanded practices that the sect employed with the legal and academic authorities. [Noel] When the meeting was called I fully expected that the elders would try and straighten [the leaders] out on these deceitful practices. The meeting came as an entire shock to me... The [elders] were silent when I said I could not, with a clear conscience, go along with some of the practices. On the contrary, the brothers supported the accusations made on my character; pride, as they saw it. One elder was vocal; the others were silent but appeared to assent to the accusation by their silence. A question that bothered me tremendously about this was - if they wanted to help me correct a weakness in my life, why didn't they come to me personally beforehand instead of bringing my wife and me to a ―hung jury‖ [sic] of nine elders? Trial by Absentia: Generating Paranoia There are other examples, however, in which the targets are actually left in the dark through the whole process: from the initial secret meetings, the inquisition, the defining and labeling, and the general church-wide meeting where they are officially excommunicated. This deviance-production track has some interesting variations. Sometimes the first and second warnings to the target are actually cloaked within meetings with a different stated purpose. Controversial topics are brought up and requests for input and comments from the target are solicited. The target's responses are then noted and when the leadership engages in challenging dialogue it is later considered a ―warning‖ by the elders. The target might walk away from the meeting thinking that he has really seen that the sect is indeed open to frank discussion about controversial issues. This dialogue, however, pops up as evidence of ―undermining the leadership‖ at the targets trial. [Thomas] We had an all-church meeting concerning [the sect's publishing endeavors] where I voiced my objections loud and clear. I really didn't know what I was doing. I didn't realize that everything I said was going into the little black books in the elders' minds. I just figured we were really free to express our opinions ... Boy, was I ever naive! I wrote a letter to the editors [of the sects magazine], asking them to answer several questions. Well, I never received a reply, but my elders did. They got a

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photocopy of my letter, along with a note that told them to watch out for me because I was potentially rebellious. Others have been excommunicated for simply writing letters of concern to the elders. Sending the letter was [Chet‘s and Don's] first and only factious act. What better way to get rid of ―pesky‖ men who are bringing up important issues than to put them under church discipline? If the church discipline is to merely prevent the members of the church from being corrupted by the ―sinful‖ member, then this instance becomes especially ridiculous since [Chet] moved to Connecticut on [______] never to return. Why place someone under church discipline when they have already moved 1300 miles away? Some people have been informed, albeit a considerable time after the fact, that they have been excommunicated, and have even been fortunate enough to get the .charges' down on paper. Many others, however, never know. They find out through what is called ―the rumor mill.‖ The following series of testimonies best illustrate this: [Ron] I said I was unclear on exactly why I had been put out, .excommunicated‖ in his own term. ―I would like to know what I have done,‖ I said. [The elder] refused to answer any of my questions. ―We excommunicated you,‖ he said, using that very word, ―and now the Word [Bible] forbids me to have anything to do with you.‖ ...I do not know firsthand from the elders what I have done, they will not speak to me except on the condition that I repent fully first? What can I say? Now can I write a letter about my excommunication under these conditions? The ... elders have not contacted me, they did not inform me of their actions, they did not give me a chance to defend myself, they would not meet face to face with me, they gave me a second warning and excommunicated me immediately, without waiting to see how I would mend my ways. *** [Mitch] Perhaps the single greatest point of anger, hurt, and puzzlement for [my wife and me] in all of this is that we still have not been told by you what Charges have been brought against us. *** [Marie] Alice was the first of these sisters to be axed. She has not had further words from the [church] concerning their action. Thus she has no exact and written idea of what the charges against her are; the ―elders‖ have withheld the charges against her, in much the same way they withheld the charges against me. The rumor mill has not been a great help. Suzie attended one of the meetings where Alice's excommunication was announced; the ―elders‖ gave the charge as faction and hinted that there were other issues; which apparently they did not explicitly want to talk to Alice about. It is curious that the [church] would be silent about other crimes; for example, in Phil's case, they hung out every piece of dirty laundry they could find. The [church's] reluctance to make these matters known has caused me to infer that they are even less apt than the charges against Phil. It is a routine ploy, I guess, for the [church] to claim there were ―other problems‖ after an excommunication; but this time, they said this upon the occasion of the discipline. *** [Janice] About a month ago I was disciplined, or something. I‘ve been tempted to call [the elders] and ask just what my status is - some people say that I've been excommunicated, but some still talk to me. I wish they [the elders] would have told

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me what they were doing. I was publicly ―whatevered‖ at the same meeting as [Mark], and he wasn't notified either. These letters, testimonials, and documents, as well as dozens of others, seem to indicate that it is not the target, per se, who is the focus of the crisis, or even of a ―cure‖ by threat of expulsion. It appears that in a vast majority of the cases, the ―crisis‖ was, for the most pm created by the sect and then exploited as an opportunity to teach obedience and loyalty. The target is given up for lost, but the effect of the crisis in the hearts and minds of the sect makes fertile soil for subsequent instruction. With the sect threatened, the congregation is exhorted, inspected, reproved, and comforted. The following findings support this vicarious social control tactic: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

Targets are mostly unaware of their crimes, trial, and expulsion. The targets crimes are, for the most part, nebulous or trite. Sometimes targets are not informed of their rejection. Sometimes the target is informed a considerable time after the fact. Many targets are excommunicated long after they have left the sect. Very little effort is made on the part of the leadership for reconciliation or rehabilitation of targets. 7) Sometimes the elders won't even tell targets their crimes. 8) The congregation is not told the specifies of the targets crimes. 9) Questions by the congregation about the target are used as an opportunity to instruct the members on group norms. 10) Excommunication meetings are made up almost entirely of instruction about group norms, and the targets are hardly ever mentioned. 11) The population pool where targets are selected appears totally arbitrary and subjective. The Final Step: The “Degradation Ceremony” The process of excommunication culminates in the ―degradation ceremony‖ (Garfinkel, 1956). These ceremonies are extremely intense and may last for several hours. Most cases occur out of the context of regular church-wide gatherings and are generally hastily called. Rumors are rampant and a great sense of fear pervades the group. [Dave] A few days after we returned from a summer conference, people started to hear some things that were going on in our local church. People had heard some information and people were leaving the church. The elders called an emergency meeting to clear up the confusion. We were called up and told to ―come over right away.‖ Nobody knew anything at the time. We were all just real confused and scared. This particular meeting was opened with the following pronouncement: [Chris] [The head elder] got up first and he said that there were some serious problems. People had heard some slanderous information. He said that some people are going to leave the church and some had already left. He said people were being attacked by Satan and that the church was under attack by Satan. He said that this has happened in other churches, and that if we stick together God will make things work out for the best. With a basic commentary couched in austere language, this meeting and others are opened with smashing implications for the entire band. [Danny - an Elder] The situation basically in a nutshell is this: that there's been a root of faction that has crept into the church; and the result of that faction is that four saints have left.. a few others have been seriously affected... to the point where they have contemplated leaving or... now have serious questions and Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 66

problems with the church and with its leadership. And many others have been in contact with this faction... we've come up with almost a fourth of the church that has been affected ... there's been much presumption, lying, strife, that has sought to undermine the very work of God... In all cases but one that were studied the targets were not present, and in the lone case where the target was present, a mistake was made by the leadership because so many people were listed as dangerous that they apparently couldn't remember who wasn't: [Bart] One member was turned away at the door. A group of us who later found that we were considered divisive wanted to go to the meeting. Many were stopped at the entrance by the three elders who literally formed a wall with their bodies. We had just arrived and we missed the first skirmish but we saw the wall and we tried to get in. They didn't welcome us at first, but someone said in the background, ―No, they're okay.‖ So they let us through. We were the only two that were on the list, and there were only three of us who were under suspicion that were at the meeting, but we didn't know it at the time. The members greeted us, and considered us a part of the group. Excommunication as a Form of Vicarious Social Control The excommunication meeting serves as the forum for reinforcing the primary norms of the group. These norms, because of their potentially abusive, arrogant, and authoritarian nature, are not clearly stated during the course of normal group activities. These foundational norms, if brought up and explained in a low-tension context, would actually be counter-productive. It would be as odious as declaring martial law at a time of peace and prosperity. In the excommunication meeting, the surface impression is that the target is the focus of the action. Indeed, this is the reason for the gathering and the initial subject of conversation. Targets are the object of the definition and label. However, evidence indicates that the targets are simply players in the game of boundary definition. Excommunicants are the key and pivotal link in the successful communication of the real norms of the group from the leaders to the members. Bart, a member who observed a recent excommunication meeting, explains: There were a lot of things like sophistry - circular reasoning - things that just didn't make any sense. [The teaching] would start generally with the stuff that was right around it but yet it really didn't. In other words, there were extreme statements said but in the conference context - a safe context - they kind of modified themselves. It was like there were two levels. At the crisis meeting it started connecting. There was a discrepancy between what we saw and what was implied. In this context of crisis, ―martial law‖ is more readily accepted. If the leaden play the game to near perfection, the members themselves will actually demand that ―martial law‖ be imposed. Judicial and ethical norms are often willingly relaxed, and the leaders can begin to define the limits of their authority and the expectations for conformity by the members. By using the target as scapegoats controversial and sometimes authoritarian guidelines are introduced. The excommunication meeting creates the best atmosphere for such parameters to be successfully illustrated and accepted. [Brian] The elders would say at the meetings, ―Even if your information is true, which it isn't, you're still not to listen to it or accept it.‖ That just blew my mind. I've heard it over and over again from them, ―Ifs slander even if it‘s true.‖ It is interesting that none of this stuff concerning the church's doctrines - I hadn't been in the church long enough to see a copy of the ―JOY OF JUSTICE.‖ I had never seen that article or language. Issues such as church discipline, authority, [etc.], had never even entered my mind until this situation. All the things going on in the meeting seemed to contradict the basic beliefs of the group. I went to another Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 67

church before I came to.... and I would read the Bible, especially the verses on church discipline and slander; and they were just totally removed from me. It was like, that happened then, but those sort of things don't happen today. I assumed everyone in ... felt the same way, and because of that blind spot I had no reason to think otherwise. Psychological Reductionism and the Role of Repressive Communication The elaborate and confining rules of information control, ―what to hear,‖ ―what to see,‖ ―what to think,‖ ―what to say,‖ etc., are introduced to a fearful and anxious congregation concerned with the preservation of its integrity and way of life. Margaret Singer points out that: ... combinations of social and psychological techniques are easier, more effective, cheaper, than gun-at-the-head methods of coercion. Social and psychological persuasion are also less likely to attract attention and thus are unlikely to mobilize opposition early and easily from those being manipulated. Forcing citizens to speak in organizationally controlled jargon would aid in the controlling of independent thinking. (Singer, 1985) Focused within the excommunication meetings are a plethora of ―mind-numbing‖ techniques that are often able to block normal thought processes and rational thinking. These techniques are carefully controlled by the elders. The congregation is barraged with confusing and often contradicting statements, innuendos, accusations, and fear. The method of delivery is inherently unpredictable, as one elder will talk for fifteen or twenty minutes, only to be immediately replaced by another elder who will, in some instances, say seemingly incoherent messages and, in a few cases, actually contradict what was just said minutes earlier. This alternating communication scheme may be essential for creating the confusion, fear, and sensory bombardment necessary for the eventual indoctrination of the foundational norms of the group. Further study of this possibility is necessary. In addition to the volley of dialogue from the elders, statements of confirmation, affirmation, or denunciation are offered from the congregation itself. These informational punctuations are mainly given by the men who were involved in the one or two small, private secret meetings with the elders when the initial defining process and inquisition were taking place. This fact, however, is usually unknown to the congregation. The effects of this apparent on-the-spot agreement by so many up-and-coming leaders creates an almost irresistible environment of seeming unanimity and vocal support. This atmosphere also appears essential to the eventual group renunciation/denunciation process against the target and the eliciting/suppressing process of the new norm commitment. The elders continually remind the congregation about natural emotions that are occurring at this time: ―We know it‘s hard,‖ ―We know it‘s very difficult,‖ ―We know you're frightened and confused,‖ ―We know you're devastated.‖ By this acknowledgment, the congregation seems melded together into a wounded corporate self that is reeling from a near mortal wound. This state is nurtured until the end of the meeting when the expulsion of the target occurs. At this juncture, the elders focus all the hurt and anger and confusion that has been corporately felt throughout the entire meeting onto the target or targets. Then the elders demand an immediate reversal of emotion. The members are NOW exhorted to ―rejoice in doing what is good.‖ They are told to ―love what they are doing.‖ They are told to ―be thankful‖ for this ―occurrence.‖ [Elders] Saints, I just want you all to rejoice in doing what is right. To rejoice in God's word. To rejoice in being obedient to what God has said. That's our responsibility, and yes, it‘s hard, it is difficult to rejoice in doing what is right. In this area [of excommunication] I know as far as the emotional relationship the elders are probably closer to [the target] than anybody. And it's been hard, ifs been hard but we need to rejoice in the Lord and rejoice in doing what is right, according Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 68

to His word. And to be faithful to it no matter what. strength of what has taken place.

You have to realize the

At this stage, sometimes a second barrage of alternating delivery occurs, and again there is ―onthe-spot‖ agreement from within the congregation. The back-wash of emotion that has been created now becomes focused in the denunciation of the confirmed deviants. A tremendous sense of relief occurs, and the congregation is then often told to be even more committed, devoted, and dedicated to the preservation of the group, its leaders, and its doctrines. Squeezed into this idea is the fact that the elders state that the whole process could have easily been prevented if only the congregation had stayed under the protection and guard of the elders - if members would simply control their thoughts and their speech. The Emergence of Moral Gatekeepers and the Practice of Black-listing Excommunications succeed in deputizing a whole core of ―moral gatekeepers‖ who feel obligated to spy on one another and to mark those who exhibit questionable behavior. Such exhortations and the definitions given during excommunications are highly successful in mobilizing most members for their role as both secret police and as enforcers of the ―law.‖ Subtly communicating to the congregation that ongoing surveillance is essential to the stability of the group guarantees a continual pool of ―potential‖ deviants. The sect doctrines for surveillance first appeared ten years ago. The ‗76 excommunicant was watched for two years for signs of disloyalty after he voiced some hesitation about the ―authoritarian trends‖ the group had embraced back at a leadership conference in 1974. The 1976 event seems to have been the foundation for the group's present practice of ―marking‖ or ―listing.‖ Suspected ―traitors‖ are often put on a list and watched, often for several years. Evidence is then compiled for eventual use if the need arises. All this is done, in most cases, without the target's knowledge. A comparison of the practice of ―marking‖ from its apparent inception in 1976, up through the present, is useful: [Elders to congregation during the excommunication of (B) in 19761 Now I urge you, brethren, keep your eye on those who cause dissension... disunity within a group. Keep an eye on them. The King James Bible says, ―mark them‖ Put an ―X‖ on them - like the Jews in the Second World War. Mark them - like Hider did the Jews (not in any way to go any further with that application). Mark them! I want you to keep an eye on them. Don't let them out of your sight. Why? Because I tell you what - a factious man is worse than a rattlesnake... when he's trying (to] get enough food to go to sleep. He's more dangerous than an immoral person in the church - he's more dangerous... Have nothing to do with them. *** [Mark, an elder, to the Apostles – 1985]* (The leadership] label[ed] me as dangerous to the very ones with whom I was in fellowship. You know quite well that when you label someone as ―dangerous‖ to another person, it has an immediate chilling effect on their relationships. The elders told] them that I presented a danger to them... and indicated that I was ―the most dangerous threat to [the church].‖ I did not find out until two years later that such things had been communicated. I have wondered over the past two years as I tried to pick up some loose ends and move back into the mainstream of fellowship why I felt such resistance and coolness on the part of some. Now I know. * This man was one of the elders who excommunicated [B] in 1976 and helped develop the ―marking‖ doctrine. He thus became caught in his own web, which was out of ―control‖ nine years later. The Segmentation and Categorizing of ―Deviants‖ Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 69

The Segmentation and Categorizing of “Deviants” [Dave – 1986 [The elder] read off several names [and as he was reading] these names, this was the first time that most of these [members) had heard anything about it and ... and ... they were stunned. They were [saying], ―Oh, no! Oh, no!‖ They thought [those listed] were gone ... they'd failed [sic] away from God [members] were so upset. And that was the first list. The second list that [the head elder] read off, he said, ―Now these people have heard the information but they haven't made a decision. They are trying to work things out so let‘s just give our support, welcome them and ah, encourage them to seek truth.‖ We called that the ―grey list.‖ The first one was the ―black list.‖ They called it list one - list two, but it was the black list and the grey list. He read off six names [on the grey list] and they said to be friendly with them. Throughout that week they were continually calling all of us on that list, asking us, ―Can we get together? Can we talk?‖ And, ―How you been? How's school going?‖ and, ah, ―Are you going to be distributing information?‖ Every time. That is all they were concerned about. That was obvious that that is what those calls were ultimately for, was ―Oh, by the way, are you going to be distributing information?‖ In this case, several participants discovered that they were among several who were officially designated ―potential‖ troublemakers at the meeting. This interview illustrates that a segmentation of deviants is clearly developed in the initial definitional meetings. The targets are divided into two camps: 1) Those who not only have heard the ―information‖ but are distributing it to other members, and 2) those who have heard the ―information‖ and as yet are not distributing it to others. Further interviewing revealed a clearer understanding of the evolution since 1976 of the see(s practice of ―marking.‖ In this particular meeting, the sect leadership had three separate lists that were presented to the membership. The first list was titled ―affected.‖ Five names were read from this list, which sect members dubbed ―the grey list‖ A second list was titled ―divisive‖ and contained the names of five other sect members. This list was dubbed by listeners as ―the black list.‖ A third list was also compiled which was titled ―other affected,‖ and contained the names of several other members of the sect. [Allen] suggested that the distinction between lists apparently was that those that were on the ―darkest‖ list were the ones that were actually active and those on the ―grey‖ list were there under the belief that ―when people even hear something it can affect them.‖ The grey list was thus comprised of people the sect acknowledged had not done anything but hear information. Yet, even receipt of information marks a member as a potential deviant. The member exposed to ―information‖ is ―infected‖ whether the member knows it or not, regardless of that member's subsequent activity. [Allen] elaborates: It seems [the elders] segmented us into aggressive versus passive. Both groups were basically considered enemies, but the passive enemies were enemies only to the people that they knew. That is the reason [the elders] read off the third list. Those were all the people the elders could think of that those on the first two lists could possibly infect with information. Consequently, members of the sect may find themselves a candidate for .marking,‖ not only by simply hearing ―information,‖ but by being friends with someone who did. Potential deviance within OASIS is now expanded by simple association with members who by the sect's own admission ―have done nothing wrong‖ but listen.

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The Functions of “Victims” and “Enemies” The criteria for segmentation is similar to Gusfield‘s (1967) ―repentant deviant‖ and ―enemy deviant.‖ Within the sect, deviants are generally classed as either factious or victims. A factious man could be defined as one who has internalized a different, threatening set of norms than the group's, and is actively seeking to gather others around him. To the sect, the factious man has not committed sin; he is a sinner. The victim's deviance, however, is seen as a temporary lapse in morality. Victims are seen as violating the rules of communication by receiving ―information,‖ and are now caught with ―dainty morsels‖ that could eat away their commitment and loyalty to the group. Members of the sect are told to seek out these victims in order to aid and restore them to their former station. Factious men, once officially labeled, are to be shunned. Thus, within this sect, participation and involvement with certain members increase dramatically once labeled a victim, and participation with other members is eliminated once they are labeled as ―factious.‖ There is a gradual shift from the definition of the specific acts as evil to a definition of the individual as evil, so that all his acts come to be looked upon with suspicion. In the process of identification his companions, hang-outs, play, speech, income, all his conduct, the personality itself, become subject to scrutiny and question. From the community's point of view, the individual who used to do bad and mischievous things has now become a bad and unredeemable human being. (Tannenbaum, 1938; 17) Repentant deviants who are sought after and are ―won back‖ are an integral part of the functional aspects of deviance causation within the sect. The repentant deviants who ―come back to their senses‖ help to reaffirm several key norms of the group. 1) Their restoration confirm the group's right to confront and watch victims or suspects. 2) The repentant deviant's reaffirmation of loyalty to the group represents a collective agreement to the basic morality and righteousness of the group and the inherent evil of the ―information‖ that was initially heard. 3) The repentant deviant's confession of ―sin‖ in violating the group's communication controls serves to confirm the veracity and necessity of those strict boundaries. Enemy deviants are also functional in this regard and serve as a necessary contrast between the victories of ―God‖ and the victories of ―Satan.‖ The enemy deviant thus becomes the classic ―heretic,‖ and/or ―reprobate,‖ who refuses to recognize the legitimacy of the group's norms or values, and thus rejects the appeals by the group for ―repentance.‖ Possibly because enemy deviants call into question the norms and values of the group, judgment on them is swift and punitive. Procedural safeguards are relaxed or eliminated altogether, and the message to the members concerning those who ―spread information‖ is, ―two strikes and you're out.‖ Members must repent whether they agree that they have been divisive or not. Members must yield to the definition placed by the leadership or they could be labeled and expelled within hours. If a member yields to the demand for confession, the process is not over, since the target is already ―one strike down.‖ The same target may be pinpointed again as divisive three months or three years later and again confronted. The target must again yield since he is reminded that he has already been warned once before. There is, therefore, further pressure to confess, regardless of whether the target believes he has been divisive. Needless to say, the pressure mounts if a member has ―repented after being warned twice.‖ The sect has a powerful tool to demand conformity in those sect members in this position. The result is that many ―divisive‖ people are excommunicated for not yielding to definitions, and those members, ―no matter how repentant they may be,‖ are not allowed back into the sect. It is clear that restoration is not the goal in these cases.

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For repentant deviants, treatment seems to be on the order of ―70 times 7 forgiveness.‖ They are looked on as a ―Peter,‖ (who lapsed in his denial of Christ but was restored). Enemy deviants seem to be a ―Judas,‖ who was ―never one of us in the first place.‖ From sect teaching, only divisive people can become true sect enemies. Then, by using excommunication as generally one of two possible alternatives (the other being mass deception), the congregation, en masse, assents to the strict communication controls that are brought up in the meeting as the only acceptable out. Thus, it can be argued that a powerful behavior reconstruction program has been implemented. ―Division‖ becomes the catchphrase for an endless list of possible communicational and attitudinal ―sins.‖ [Jack, an elder and a ―witness‖ in an excommunication] When I talked with [the present excommunicant]. I had a feeling that there was a seed of doubt in his mind, even before I knew that he had talked to [a past excommunicant]. He admitted that he was questioning motives and things. It was not even that specifics had been laid out, but that he had gotten a seed of doubt from someone who was negative. Let‘s face it. [The present target] is disobeying the Lord right now. [The present target] is in sin. He is disobeying scriptural principles. So his walk is not right with God. And the influence that he has overall is not going to be proper until he gets back in line with what God says and does what God says. He knows what he is supposed to do but he is refusing so he's rebelling against a very strong principle which if all of us started doing there would be disunity. Disunity would be rampant in every work... Nobody could work like that. You'd be mistrusting of everybody. And we want to eliminate that. So, if they call up and it comes to anything about questioning the authority of the elders or the church just say, ―Look, I don't want to listen to that. You've gone a different direction, fine. You disagree, fine. But, I don't want to listen to your gripes against the church. This is my home. These are people I love.‖ Of key importance here is the strong exhortation to mass conformity, couched in the combined sentence that ―if all of us ... had gotten a seed of doubt from someone who was negative ... disunity would be rampant in every work. You'd be mistrusting of everybody and we want to eliminate that.‖ What the elders are attempting to eliminate is mistrust of themselves through the elimination of those with ―seeds of doubt.‖ The Functions of External “Enemies” The leadership successfully turns the eyes of the congregation outward. If the members stray from the umbrella of the elders, they can be victimized. If they talk negatively about the group, they can be irreparably deceived. If they listen to the world, they can be tricked. All suspicion is focused outside the boundaries of the group by warning of powerful, external enemies. As a result, one could hypothesize that the leaders are given free reign to define, instruct, exhort and direct a totally unsuspecting congregation. Members are suspecting of non-members and unsuspecting of their leaders. By teaching that there are ―wolves‖ that want to devour them, the congregation will beg for wolf-killers -- guards who have all the authority to protect the weak and helpless flock. Since the ―wolves‖ are often disguised as common sheep, the congregation is told that they may not even know that the person they communicate with is a ―wolf.‖ Thus, the congregation is made to believe that their own powers of discernment are seriously flawed or underdeveloped and that the elders are the only ones with the maturity and ability to discern a ―wolf‖ from a ―sheep.‖ This succeeds in creating not only a sanctified police force within the group, but also an external conscience and a near total dependence upon external definitions. [Elders] [Our enemies are] telling people that only if you get out of the group will your eyes be opened up to see what‘s going on. But look, don't be naive, that's their tactic. Don't worry about it.

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The group manipulates rewards, punishments, and experiences that result in the systematic severing of members and their past support systems. These include their own powers of independent and rational thinking, their ability to test, define, and evaluate, as well as their ability to freely interact with others about their experiences. These internal support systems are replaced with exterior support systems over which the leaders have considerable control. In addition, emotional support systems are severely controlled and curtailed. Normal human responses to crises and fears are subjected to confining processes which seem unnatural. Past emotional and psychological defenses and adaptations members may have developed are rechanneled and/or curtailed. Members are often asked to be happy and glad when they excommunicate their friends. They are told to rejoice when parents and friends tell them that they are in a ―cultic‖ group. They are told not to worry when the newspapers and legal officials begin ―snooping around.‖ They are told to trust their elders even when they share no facts or information about the external and internal battles that are going on other than .we were there and we know what is right. Criticisms from the outside are repeated by the elders in a manner geared to elicit even more commitment to the group. Present external criticisms are linked with past historical persecutions in a kind of ―negative legitimization‖ scheme. [Elders] This is why we've gotten you together tonight. We're concerned about any communication that some might receive and just about guarding our own hearts and our minds and not even pursuing information, because the Word says ―a worthless man digs up evil.‖ I want to emphasize that we are concerned for you, and when you first hear about [defections] it many times will cause fear. You may think, ―Well what‘s going on?‖ and why would two that are so strong leave, and it‘s really a difficult situation, and I want to go through some scriptures that will comfort your hearts tonight.. In the midst of difficult circumstances what we do is to start looking at our circumstances and questioning, and it causes confusion in our minds of ―why is this going on,‖ ―why has this happened?‖ Preliminary public definitions in these excommunication meetings emerge out of apparent mass confusion. Discrepancies between attitudes and behavior produce a state of psychological distress, which Festinger (1957) called ―cognitive dissonance.‖ A number of seemingly unrelated ―facts‖ about the subject are allowed to enter the ―rumor mill‖ and, playing on the natural tendency of members to attempt to align these facts with their knowledge of the subject, a process of negotiation takes place. What looks to members as a disaster is defined as a ―purifying experience sent by God‖; a ―filling of the soil for a rich spiritual harvest‖: [Elders, during an excommunication – 1985]. In times like this the devil is trying to get us to think all kinds of things. But this is a time when we can take advantage of the best opportunity to get to know God because we are in desperate need and it is through these tribulations and trials that God works and gets us closer to each other. We need to really take advantage and let God be your refuge. When you get to the point of, ―Oh, God, I can't stand what you're doing in this situation, I can't believe what's going on, I don't like it‖ and it‘s screwing up your whole life and thoughts and everything the way you've planned it, then when you say that you are at a point where God can begin to work in your hearts and show you what He is really doing and that this is really for the best. The Renunciation/Denunciation Process Several important psychological mechanisms seem to be at work in these excommunication meetings. An integral part of the meeting is the ―renunciation/denunciation‖ process. The members, faced with the severity of the problem as defined by the leaders, and seeing how easily vulnerable they are to ―faction,‖ renounce again their willingness to hear or see negative or disparaging information. In essence, one could hypothesize that they are renouncing their own Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 73

mental faculties in favor of the external definitions placed by the leadership. Whatever information members may have heard must be validated by the leadership, and cannot be validated by the members' own faculties. Coupled with this renunciation appears to be a backwash of strong anxieties and frustrations, as members realize that they simply cannot, and should not, trust themselves. All this pent-up emotion is therefore successfully vented in the direction of the target Members have renounced, now they must denounce. Denunciation focuses the anxieties and ambivalence that ordinarily would fall back on the system and gives it a legitimate channel. The target then becomes the biblical ―sin offering,‖ where all the Hebrews laid their hands on a bull and mystically imparted to it their own shortcomings, and then the leaders took the bull outside the camp and slew it. This renunciation/denunciation phase is where coercive persuasion and deviance production merge. In denouncing the confirmed deviant, the remaining sect members are renouncing all other options for roles and behaviors that are not sanctioned by the leadership. It appears that the degree of renunciation is linked to the strength of the denunciation. The more insidious the confirmed deviant is made to be, the more liberties the remaining members renounce. The more ghastly the excommunicant's crimes, the more authority the remaining members grant to the prevention of those crimes. If the membership has en masse engaged in this phase, the challenge for the sect leadership is to somehow perpetuate the norms inculcated within the excommunication, even under unsupervised conditions. Post-Labeling Behaviors: Shunning This renunciation/denunciation response explains several behaviors that subsequently follow an OASIS excommunication. Since the sect is extremely social-support oriented, deep friendships are forged, and members share an inordinate number of experiences in many facets of life. Yet, if one of these individuals is defined as a ―factious man,‖ the following day he wakes up to a whole new world. An elder‘s wife explains the sect‘s belief in shunning, forged out of the responses to the 1976 excommunicant: [Angie – 1987] The [1976 excommunication] was the beginning. We had already done the exercise - we had already done the drill so no one needed to tell us what a ―shunning‖ involved. It meant that if you saw the person on the street that you didn't speak to them, that you replied to none of their phone calls, none of their letters - that you refused to address them as a human being at all. It meant that they were separated from God and turned over to the devil for destruction of their flesh. Things were said that indicated to me that it was their attitude that that person would eventually be taken by the Lord [killed] if they did not repent and that Gods care would be withdrawn from them and that they were just thrown to the devil. Christians could not associate with them because of the leavening influence they could have on their minds because of the possibility of deception. Thus, if a target is excommunicated, friends of long standing will ignore him. Present members will turn their faces away. Members will go to great lengths to avoid contact with the labeled deviants. They will walk on the other side of the street; they will hang up the phone or not answer the door. They will shun confirmed deviants in the extreme. The successful venting of the pent-up anxieties, frustration, and anger that are created within such a context is accomplished by encouraging the focusing of elaborate behaviors of shunning. The following interviews illustrate most of the sect's shunning tactics. Shunning is presented here from the elders' perspectives:

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[Rob – 1986] [The elder] talked about how we should be enthusiastic about hating sin. And he gave us a reference of Romans 12:9, which says, ―love must be sincere, hate what is evil, cling to what is good.‖ And he talked about how not only should we hate the sin but we should hate them - we should hate the sinner - we should hate what is evil, and ... he was just very angry when he was saying this, that, we should really just hate these people for what they are doing. *** [Elders – 1985] God hates the man who spreads dissension between brothers, brothers in the Lord, more than a man who would take the innocent blood - go out and murder an innocent person! God hates that even more. Imagine that! Now that's a pretty heavy statement. The following testimonies illustrate how members react to officially labeled ―deviants‖ who have been cast out of the sect, as well as subsequent reactions by the target to shunning. [Gail] My family was put out for ―creating a faction.‖ My husband was a leader of the church. He knew these people when, but after a proclamation of faction, friends that we had known for years, some that I knew for 13 years, would not even acknowledge that we were alive. We would see people at the mail and they would duck into a store or walk on the other side. My husband saw a man in the bank, and he would not even look at him. They sat three feet apart. We saw a woman in the school office. Her son said ―Hi‖ to us as if nothing was wrong, but his mom stared at the ceiling until we left. *** [Phil] We got hate mail, accusing us of trying to take over the church. We got visits from ―delegations‖ with sealed letters of warning and reproof. We got deceptive phone calls. We finally disconnected the phone and got a post office box. We had to move. Every once in a while another person will defect from the church. When they tell us what the church has been saying about us, it really hurts. These people are so wrapped up in ―submission‖ to their elders, that a close friend one day can be discarded the next like a dirty rag. It is no shame to be excommunicated from a church like that. Deviance through Word Magic and Definition The case of a man who had been labeled ―divisive‖ and excommunicated and was then ―cleared‖ two days later illustrates a deeper understanding of the power of the label. Both his excommunication and the subsequent clearing were done without the target ever being aware of what he had done. He was 250 miles away at the time. He never received an official letter of excommunication or writ of absolution, but the target was put under the ban and then exonerated in two separate church-wide meetings: [Marcus] I was invited over for pizza by a girl named [Anne] that was still in the church... Then another girl (Mary] arrived and she acted very serious and she started grilling me. She then started to interrogate (others there]. She wanted to know who [they were] and why [they were] there, and all sorts of questions. After a while [they all left) and [Anne] went outside. [Mary] and I were in the middle of a conversation and [Mary] broke it off and said, ―Wait a minute, I just want to say I don't want to hear anything [about…]‖. And I said, ―Well, I don't plan on saying anything.‖ I said, ―[Mary], what's the problem? [Anne] told you that I was going to be here, didn't she?‖ And she said, ―No.‖ And then [Mary] said, ―I thought this was a set-up.‖ When [Anne] came back in and we talked for a while and then all of a sudden [Mary] started to get up, and [Anne] said, ―What's wrong?‖ And [Mary] Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 75

said, ―I need to be going.‖ And [Anne] said, ―Mary], what do you mean?‖ And [Mary] said, ―I need to leave, I need to leave.‖ By this time [Anne] was totally puzzled and [Mary] started walking out. There was this big argument between them and finally I said, ―Have I sinned?‖ And [Mary] turned around and she said, ―Well, I take that being divisive is sin!‖ And I said, ―You mean, I have been divisive tonight? I‘ve sinned tonight?‖ And [Mary] shot back at [Anne], ―You should be obeying authority, you are not obeying authority, and I'm leaving.‖ [Mary] thought that [Anne] was associating with a person who had been excommunicated. Somehow it finally dawned on [Anne] that [Mary] didn't know that after I was said to have been excommunicated and under church discipline for being divisive that they had cleared me. [Mary] never found out. [Anne] said, ―[Mary], if you came to the Friday night meeting you would find out these things.‖ And [Mary] said, ―Well, no one ever told me. I thought you were under church discipline.‖ Then [Mary] turned to me and said, ―Well, I'm really sorry, do you forgive me?‖ I said, ―Yes.‖ It was kind of a big joke to her and then [Mary] really loosened up. I said to her that I wondered why she had acted so serious. I thought maybe her personality had changed. The important point to note in this particular story (which is the only case that I am aware of where a person was labeled and shunned one day and exonerated the next, both times without the target knowing what was going on), is in the powerful emotions the label generated in Mary's relationship to the target. Mary had known the target for quite some time and yet she was totally hardened in her opinions that this man was a deviant. During her whole time with Marcus, Mary was suspicious, cold, serious, and finally, not able to contain herself any longer, burst into a series of denunciations against Marcus and against her friend Anne for associating with a confirmed deviant. However, after Mary discovers that Marcus has been ―cleared‖ by the elders, her reaction toward him is totally different. Marcus again becomes a human being, someone with rights that Mary had violated. It is clear from this account that the deviant was not inherently deviant, either before or after being labeled and/or cleared. What generated the shunning behavior was the declaration of deviance. It was simply a matter of definition. Mary functioned under a definition that was entirely real to her. All the target's actions were interpreted as faction, divisiveness, and deceit, according to the definition Mary was believing. Once a new definition was accepted, that of a cleared member, all of Marcus' subsequent actions and words were seen as innocent and normal to Mary. While he was ―deviant,‖ Mary felt totally justified in railing accusations against him, judging his motives, and in leaving him forever. As a confirmed deviant Marcus had no rights, and could be discarded and hated and hit with verbal abuse. Fear of Victimization as a Social Control Tactic Shunning behavior is not transitory in this sect, as one might expect. It is not the same type of behavior associated with childhood spats, marriage arguments, or friendship quarrels. Within this sect there is most often no making up, no honeymoon period. Once targets are labeled factious and denounced, they are cast aside. The definitions and label appear so powerful, and the magnitude of the excommunication so all-encompassing, that its effects seem, for all practical purposes, permanent In the remaining members' minds, the former members have, in reality, assumed a totally new identity. They are no longer considered even to be ex-members, but ―wolves in sheep's clothing,‖ and become negative role models. Such shunning practices are not only successful with less significant others. The following testimony from a woman who was told that her fiancé was ―divisive and wicked‖ and that she was to have nothing to do with him is the most illustrative:

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[Ed – 1985] had left the church and apparently went through some rehabilitation and we didn't really talk much. I was going to hang up on him if he started talking about anything against the church because I was afraid he was going to start deceiving me and I loved [Ed] but I was really convinced that he had talked to deceptive men. This woman [Shelly], suddenly broke off the wedding. This alerted her parents that something was seriously wrong. Her parents asked Shelly to come home. My dad was just real upset because he knew that [Ed] and I really loved each other so much and he couldn't understand why I had cancelled the wedding. [My family] sat me down and said, ―We have a couple of men that we would like you to talk to,‖ and right away I just can't tell you the fear that went through my body. It was just like what I felt then was that Satan was present, and I don't want to exaggerate it but that was really what was going through my mind... and my brother said to me, ―Well, it's either your family, you listen to them or you can walk out of here and not talk to [your family] anymore.‖ And I thought, ―Okay,‖ and so I walked up to the door to leave because I equated the church with God and I thought I was getting persecuted now. I started to walk to leave... and I really wouldn't have talked to my family after that. I would have thought, ―they are deceived, I can't have anything to do with them.‖ Anyway, I walked to the door and they wouldn't let me leave, and I was just petrified and I said, ―Let me out of here! Let me out of here!‖ And I was in a comer with my hands over my ears saying, ―I'm not going to hear this, Satan is here! Satan is here!‖ ... I was really scared and my brother and my dad had to take me by my arms and literally drag me into the living room and sit me down in a chair and I had my hands over my ears and they had to hold my arms down so that I would listen. And I think back and it's just insane. I would never have acted like that. I really - I mean, I don't usually do things like that. It was really just because there was such a fear there that if I ... it was as if they could say a sentence and all of a sudden I would be deceived. All of a sudden I would lose my conviction of being in the church, and that was losing my faith at that point, for me, because I thought this church was it. Shelly's fear of victimization was so real that her own fiancé' and her own parents and family were seen as ―tools of the Devil‖ to try and deceive her. This powerful fear, placed upon her and dozens of others in these excommunications, is created simply by elders' interpretations and definitions of events. Definitions from leaders (in this case men she had known for only a year) superseded those given by her family, and her future husband. Such obviously ―deviant‖ behaviors, by societal standards, accomplished in so quick a manner and with seemingly little or no overt coercion by the sect itself, begs for an explanation out of the ordinary, and triggers the imagination (Meerloo, 1952; Sargent, 1957; Schein et al., 1961). Post-Labeling Behaviors: Perpetuating Deviance Once the target is expelled, the crisis for the group is basically over. The crisis for the target has only just begun. Often, shattered by the behavior of former friends, and struggling with the implications of their ―crimes,‖ the targets will generally do one of two things. They may withdraw altogether from their former life and shun religious reference groups altogether (thus ―confirming‖ the sect's belief that they were ―masquerading‖ all along), or attempt to negate the stigma and the damage to their own perceptions of their identity by seeking a new religious reference group and re-establishing their former life (thus confirming their ―factious‖ label by ―infiltrating‖ a new, unsuspecting church). If confirmed deviants attempt to shift reference groups and return to conventional religious roles, they are often punished by the sect. Testimony, both from targets and the sect itself, as well as Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 77

pastors of churches newly adopted by targets, confirm this tactic. The leadership within this sect has been known to follow subjects from new church to new church and attempt to impose upon the new church the labels and stereotypes created within the sect. In the sect's eyes, the subject has been banished from God's chosen church, and is therefore to be kept outside of religious relationships. Confirmed deviants are relegated to the ―sinful‖ secular world to which they belonged all along. [Tim] The elders who had refused to meet directly with me, showed amazing energy in setting up an appointment with [my new church oversight] ... [the elders') purpose was to cause Riverside to reject me, and I am happy to report that they did not get to first base. Their efforts bogged down right at the start when they refused to share any specific charge or evidence - [they] merely asserted that I was factious, and demanded that Riverside accept that verdict [My new oversight] refused, and much of the talk centered on whether the discipline should be accepted on [their] say-so ... *** [Jonathan] Without my knowledge [the elders] went to talk with my pastor about me. Their concern was that I was giving a bad report to him and others at my church. It was a charge which he later told me ... that he knew nothing about. As a result of [the elders] visiting him, I then had to defend my moral character before a man who had absolutely no idea of these issues before that time. The maintenance of post-labeling behaviors, such as shunning and harassing, is so important to the sect that individuals have even been excommunicated for laxness in their post-labeling behaviors toward the targets. Members who were friends of the target must behave as though the target doesn't exist anymore or they themselves may be rejected. The following letter is indicative of this practice: February 9, 1979 Dear [Ann] We, your brothers and sisters, have been informed of your refusal to reject [Sue] for being factious. This clearly violates Titus 3: 10-11 where we are instructed to reject a factious man. We therefore urge you to repent of this sin. If you refuse to listen to us in this matter we must relate to you as a Gentile and tax-gatherer (Matt 18:15-17). Sincerely in Christ, (Letter signed by 47 members) The sect leadership was informed that Ann was not shunning her friend Sue. The leadership, in turn, informed the entire church and a letter signed by the congregation was sent to Ann. A comparison with 12th Century Jesuit school life reveals similar reactions: ―A system of informing was developed ... which extended the doctrine of eternal vigilance. If the informers failed to report offenses [in this case, failure to shun], they were punished as though they had committed the acts‖ (Newman, 1978:64). The Function of Shunning and Scapegoating Post-labeling behaviors are essential to the maintenance of the bicameral normative system and the segmented mentality. Shunning forces members to live a segmented ethic. The internalization of norms into the corporate identity is maintained primarily through the effective channeling of anxiety and guilt onto the confirmed deviant. It can be hypothesized that if this channel is allowed to erode, and if members are given freedom to modify their shunning practices, the power of the

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scapegoat diminishes. As a consequence, the anxieties might be rechanneled back onto the sect members and the sect itself. Maintenance of strict shunning behaviors thus appears functional to the group in that it minimizes and deflects the ambivalence inherent within a totalistic environment. The solutions the sect offers for reconciliation are often so extreme that accepting sect terms is impossible. [Tom] I was excommunicated by the elders. I called them up to find out my crimes. I am told that I must repent fully before the elders can tell me my crimes because I have been factious; they are not to talk to me. Consequently, the elders use this as an excuse for not telling me my crimes. I am left in the hopeless dilemma of repenting for crimes that I have no knowledge of before the elders can tell me what my crimes really are. In a letter of excommunication to the 1976 excommunicant are these statements: Any communication on the part of [your wife] to anyone that would justify you or her side of the story, by word, innuendo, or attitude is willful participation in your sin. Any communication on the part of [your wife] that would call into question the justice of this action will be considered interference with the discipline of this church. This includes communication by word, innuendo, or attitude. Love, (Letter signed by 12 national elders) All the solutions found in the excommunications were for targets to not only stop sharing information, but to actually reverse themselves and compromise their own opinions in favor of the leadership's definitions. There is never any appeal for a trial, simply an admission of guilt. Since targets can't admit guilt to crimes they either do not know or haven't committed, deviance is perpetuated until the target buckles under the weight of oppression. Maria's case illustrates the pressures of induced guilt. I talked to one of the leaders of the group and asked him how one got ―unexcommunicated.‖ What does that entail? And the bottom line was repentance in front of the whole church. I said, ―Well, how can I repent of something I didn't do?‖ I hung up the phone and again I was just flooded with this emotion of deep-rooted guilt and I didn't understand where it was coming from. I was going in circles - I was thinking, ―Christians ought to be unified, not separated.‖ Finally I just had to stop. I realized that they were causing me to feel guilty and I couldn't even see it. There is something wrong with that. Creating the Deviant Identity: Retrospective Interpretation and Stereotyping Essential to the members' successful adoption of negative definitions of targets is the skillful use of stereotyping and retrospective interpretation (Garfinkel, 1956). These tools are necessary for the imputation of the ultimate master status on ―enemy deviants.‖ Use of stereotyping within this sect is closely tied to the nebulous and mystical stature of the crimes committed. Since, for the most pan, the crimes are ―thought crimes,‖ it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to prove innocence or guilt by judicial standards. Such crimes are indeed essential to the creation and maintenance of the bicameral normative system. The archetypical deviant in the sect is entirely mystical. He looks like a common member. He acts like a common member. He can even reach the status of elder within the sect. He could be anybody (except for the founding apostles). Actual historical figures are used to reinforce the stereotype. Judas, who betrayed Jesus, is considered the example of a ―false disciple.‖ Thus, deviants within the sect could betray members with as innocent a behavior as ―a kiss.‖ They could Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 79

―dip their bread into the bowl‖ with the leaders themselves. As a consequence, there are actually no objective identifying elements to pin- point the ―Judas.‖ [Angie, an Elder's wife] The assumption, when someone was put out of the church, was that they had never been a believer at all and that we were only deceived into thinking that they were a believer. The sin in their life eventually showed itself and that what was being done in disfellowshipping someone was simply acknowledging an already present reality - that they were a non-believer masquerading as a believer and that they were being unmasked. But as a result, we could not even relate to them as a normal nonbeliever because they had already been exposed to the truth and had rejected it so now they had to be turned over to the devil. It was something of a Voodoo curse. The Master Status Imputation ―Enemy deviants‖ generally are former members of the sect who have attained within the movement a master status of mystical and outlandish proportions. Often the leadership states that present targets are asking the very same questions that [B] and [H] were asking the sect many years earlier. [B] and [H] are two of several who are considered the greatest enemies of the sect. These enemies are believed to have been led by the 1976 excommunicant, [B]. They are believed to be the originators of the factious attitudes and statements. It is apparently inconceivable to OASIS leaders that members all over the country could come up with the same questions that the ―enemies‖ had years earlier unless those members had been told those questions by the enemies. Thus, a handful of scapegoats are believed by the sect to be at the bottom of nearly all the defections and purges the sect has encountered. The following gleanings from several excommunication ceremonies, ten years after [B's excommunication, best serve to illustrate this scapegoating process. [B] and [H] are the continual scapegoats: [Elders] This has been H's accusation for the last five years, ―authority at all costs.‖ [B] and [H] both admitted to jealousy and have not repented of it. People will become unreasonable if they listen to a report given from men that have been selfish and jealous, and that‘s what‘s happened. We can't even reason at this point. [B] and [H] have nothing better to do with their time than to seek to undermine and hurt the faith and conviction of others. Regardless of whether their beliefs are right or wrong, it has nothing to do with it. You don't go about and seek to divert people's confidence and convictions. For the last four years [H] has been bopping around the country to different churches, never knit in ... Lord, capture [B] and bring him back to his senses, but he has wicked and selfish ambition in his heart He knows the Book but he's selfish and he's jealous and he's wicked at this point, and he needs to repent, and we‘ve told him that Okay, we never mentioned to you that we had enemies, around the country, because we didn't think we needed to. Unless something happens, and then we warn you at that point. You need to know what has happened with [B] and R throughout the years; whole churches, whole assemblies have been warned about their influence and they have not repented of their sin. The only way for [B] and [H] to move out in their sin is to influence us, to try and pick off ones, and hurt ones, and trouble ones, and that's the ministry they've had for the last nine or ten years.

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We knew [B] had a divisive spirit and an arrogant spirit. Eventually he was disciplined ... and 20 went out the door with him. There was division that had been going on for a year - a slow rot, and the brothers were young and they didn't know how to deal with it. But once they got rid of him God blessed and they just grew. [B]'s been going after people for years. It‘s a miserable occupation and life. He just sits around the edges and tries to pick off somebody, but there have been ones like that all throughout God‘s program, around the edges of God's program throughout the centuries. The devil wants every man to do what‘s right in his own eyes. ―If they're saved I can't touch them,‖ he says, ―so I'll just scare them so that they can't be unified and so that they won't have any impact.‖ We need to be aware of his schemes. Do not be ignorant of his schemes. This has been [B] and [H]'s track record for ten years. It seems clear that [B] was the trailblazer within the sect. Before him there were no scapegoats. There were no ―fingerprint questions.‖ There were no troubles and trials with faction and slander. But after the expulsion of [B], faction and slander were elevated in a matter of a few short years to the most insidious and dangerous sins within the sect Also, it appeared to the sect that there were more slanderous and factious people than there had ever been. What was the explanation? There seems little doubt that the 1976 event elevated and sensitized the sea to this type of ―crime.‖ The sect leadership did not know how many people [B] affected during his tenure as a national teacher. Since the 1976 excommunication is seen as the precedent-setting boundary crisis within the sect, [B] assumed an almost omniscient and omnipotent stature from the outset. The remaining leaders may have become entrapped within their own definitions of fear. The more they looked for evidence of this man's faction, the more they found it. In the prior quotes, where [B] and [H] are mentioned, one might find it confusing that the meetings in which the statements were made were actually focused on two separate targets within the same church, who were excommunicated approximately two weeks apart in 1985. When one listens to these two tapes, [B] and [H] are mentioned more times than the targets are, and, more significantly, every time the targets are mentioned, they are tied in some way to the enemies, [B] and [H]. The last quote cited about [B] and [H] illustrates that the leadership freely interchanges discussion of the enemies with Satan himself. The enemies have attained the ultimate master status, that of the ―embodiment of Satan.‖ Their behaviors are Satan's behaviors. Their deeds become his. It is a powerful example of the imputation of ultimate deviance. [B]'s name seems to come up in nearly every excommunication ceremony at one time or another as the probable instigator of the crisis. His mythology has grown way beyond normal human proportions, as he has been imagined to be involved in church disputes thousands of miles apart within hours or days of each other. His image almost seems to be one of perpetual troublemaker, who has no home life, no job, no personal goals in life other than to systematically destroy the work of God on earth. In an excommunication event ten years after [B]'s own excommunication, he is mentioned again as the ultimate deceiver and trickster to an OASIS congregation that had never heard of him before: [Elders] If [B] called you up, and you were a young saint and you really respected this man because of his teaching and his life, and he says, ―Hey, how's it going?‖ and then he just dropped one little dainty morsel, what would you do with it? It‘s easy to be defiled. You don't need to be afraid of boogie men if you're righteous. In the meeting, the elders note that [B]'s stated goal is ―to destroy the entire church of Jesus,‖ and his image takes on a clearly god-like air. The seeds of this exaggerated status were sown in [B]'s 1976 excommunication meeting: Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 81

[Elders –1976] [B] is excommunicated from the universal Body of Christ. No Christian in any city on earth is to associate with him. And we will warn Christians all over the world, if we have any suspicion that [B] has communicated with them. If you receive a phone call, turn away -just hang up immediately - and let me warn you, don't get into a discussion with him ... he'll probably come out with tremendous arguments ... you're not to listen ... Anytime you get a phone call, hang up immediately and contact us. If he approaches you on the street ... turn away, have nothing to do with him, If he follows you, run away. If he runs after you, keep running away. If he tackles you - and I'm not - that is possible - get away! In reality, [B] is a top insurance salesman within a national company and has been recognized as a hard and conscientious worker. He is married (twelve years' duration), has two children, and is actively involved in a local church in his hometown. His wife is a school teacher, and they both seem to have an active and vibrant social life. They appear to be well-liked and respected within the community. Yet within the sect, the man has been given a mythological master status of diabolical dimensions and nearly limitless power, who, if listened to, could in all probability destroy the Christian church on earth. The sect's only defense against him is the enforcement of strict communicational control. This master status imputation is functional to the group because it reveals one way of dealing with conflict within the sect. Scapegoating exaggerates the prevalence of conflict and thus helps to reinforce shared norms and goals. Conclusion Coercive Persuasion and the Manufacture of Deviance: Limits of Role Boundaries This paper has attempted to answer the question: ―If a group practices coercive persuasion and an individual does not conform, what does the group do with the non-conformist?‖ Coercive persuasion has been described as simply placing a strict limit on the number of conformity options. Yet this is not the only criterion. Reduced conformity options are not in and of themselves sufficient to indicate an environment of coercive persuasion. Emile Durkheim (1895) suggested that excessive authority would reveal itself in an immutable organization which crushed criticism and eliminated individuality. He proposed that such an environment could exist even within a ―cloister of saints.‖ This paper has confirmed his contention. Robert Dentler and Kai Erikson (1959) proposed the idea of ―inducing deviant behavior.‖ This paper confirms their premise that groups channel and organize the deviant possibilities contained in the membership. This research further suggests that OASIS induces conformity in much the same way: through channeling and organizing conformity options. Though Dentler and Erikson did not suggest that a given group ―creates the motives for an individual‘s [deviant] behavior or compels it from persons not otherwise disposed toward that form of expression,‖ (pp. 100) this paper has shown that OASIS compels deviance from persons not otherwise disposed toward this form of expression in much the same way as it compels members toward obedience who, likewise, may not be disposed toward such extremes of commitment. Pat Lauderdale (1976) suggested that ―deviance can be thought of as a product of the movement of moral boundaries rather than as a product of the movement of actors across those boundaries‖ (pp. 663). Likewise, this research has shown that individuals can be in ―good standing‖ one day and ―excommunicated‖ the next with very little change in their behavior. These individuals are judged for thought crimes and punished in the extreme. The ―factious man‖ is a construct which embodies the liberties and the freedoms that are impossible to perform within the sect. The contented member is, likewise, a construct that is so idyllic that even the sect leaders admit failure in ―measuring up.‖ Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 82

The Functions of Stereotypic Extremes This paper has suggested that Utopian paradoxes have led to a plethora of organizational constructs and philosophical assumptions that constantly place sect members in impossible dilemmas. The dilemmas are so deep that even OASIS leadership has not escaped. These paradoxes are revealed through the utilization of stereotypic extremes. These extremes are surface manifestations of an environment of coercive persuasion and deviance production. By creating strong, negative stereotypes, the sect has caused the opposite type of stereotyping to occur. The sect points to ―evil and wicked men.‖ The members are thus left with the belief that ―Our leaders are holy and righteous men.‖ In situations where the sect expels members, the remaining members do indeed reaffirm their allegiance to the leaders. More specifically, however, the allegiance is transferred to the individuals who were able to pinpoint the ―deviance.‖ By ―Satanizing‖ certain individuals, the group's members will vent their anger, frustrations, and failings upon the stereotyped ―evil ones,‖ and will subsequently blame all the group's it‘s on the enemies. People exposed to constant negative stereotyping will also stereotype on the opposite pole. Within the context of the excommunication meeting, members express praise and thankfulness to their leaders for saving and protecting them. They proclaim loyalty and submission to the bringers of the condemnation, who are looked upon as saviors of the grouses internal integrity and morals. It might be supposed that because members can see only evil in the target ―deviants‖ they can see only good in the definers and exposers of it. The ―holy men‖ are capable of doing no wrong, while the enemies are capable of doing no right. Thus, without having to say, ―I am holy,‖ OASIS's leaders are able to exploit the praise of their members to reinforce the ―classification priesthood‖ and the ―sin-potential‖ hierarchy. Conflict management within OASIS, then, forces strict conformity as the only option, and the choosing of any other option results in the production of deviance. The following quote illustrates this point. Albert's testimony is key to understanding how coercive persuasion and deviance production are intertwined. He speaks up near the end of an excommunication meeting: [Albert] When I heard these things, immediately these questions came to my mind. Why? Why are these brothers making accusations against the church. And why are they securing a following, and things like that. But I was instructed by those verses that said, ―You younger men be subject to your leaders.‖ And these men are my elders, and I'm to be subject to them. And they have said that this is a good thing, because they know what is going on and we can be confident and support these elders, when they make their decisions. Because they're the ones with authority ... You see, I am at a point in my life where I can only grow when I support my elders. When I am in my proper position, that of submission to authority, then I can be secure. I'm real secure. In fact the only time that I can be insecure is when I step out of the authority that is over me or I do the wrong things, or I hear the wrong things, that would be usurping, or stepping out from under authority. I have found that I am protected by being subject And nothing can get to me, because I am protected by the elders. And in a real way, our elders are our shepherds. They are suffering for us. They are responsible for us. We are dependent as long as we are in subjection. It is not dangerous. I am subject to men that I know. I know their lives. I've watched them. I will know them by their fruits. I've known these men for years. And those things give me confidence in light of questions of authority, or of their decisions, or just the shadow of suspicions that may creep in. Our confidence is their past. How they've acted among us. They are devoted to us. And this gives us very sound assurance when suspicions may be brought against them. Albert, a young member of the sect, has learned a strong lesson from the excommunication of two of his friends. He has become convinced that he ―can only grow when [he] support[s] [his] Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 83

elders.‖ To Albert, conformity has been reduced to a single option: submission to his elders. ―Growth,‖ ―security,‖ and ―protection‖ have become Albert‘s primary goals in life. But more importantly, he can only attain them through submission and obedience to the OASIS leadership. Conversely, Albert is convinced that ―insecurity‖ and a ―lack of growth‖ will always result if he ―steps out from under authority.‖ To Albert, deviance is anything other than strict submission and obedience. Deviance is defined by Albert as ―being out of my proper position.‖ Albert is also now able to identify when he is out of ―his proper place.‖ If he is ―doing wrong things,‖ ―hearing wrong things,‖ or ―not supporting [his] elders‖ he is out of his proper position. Albert sees no difference now between ―usurping authority‖ and ―stepping out from under authority.‖ In the denunciation of his friends he is renouncing his liberties. In proclaiming loyalty to the elders, he proclaims betrayal of his right to govern himself. The Function of Expulsion: Psychological Immobilization Most of the subjects interviewed for this research were not militant in their actions toward OASIS. Most were simply hollow shells. It became clear that excommunication had no therapeutic function for those experiencing it. Many readers may wonder why excommunication is not seen as a relief for those undergoing it. Yet for most, it was not. Truly, the subjects were victims of a psychological tragedy. Very few could really put the events behind diem. The effects of excommunication are also seen as resulting from an environment that has married extremes of loyalty and betrayal. Many ex-members still wonder why they were betrayed by their trusted and loyal friends. The Jesuit priest Friedrich Spee von Langenfeld, who heard the confession of 200 condemned witches in Germany in the early 1600s, placed a value on the dignity of the human being by saying, ―It is regret that has turned my hair all gray, regret that I've had to accompany so many witches to the place of execution and among them I found not one who was not innocent. Spee's book, Cauntio Criminalis (Circumspection in Criminal Cases) was the first published criticism of the European witchhunts and, as a result of his revelations, the prince-bishops of Mainz and Wurttemberg prohibited further witch trials in their realms. This paper closes with the candid remarks of two women, both excommunicated from OASIS, and both still suffering. [Martha] was excommunicated in 1978, and [Ruth] was excommunicated in 1986: [Martha] When I was subjected to excommunication I fully expected not to live. And I hoped not to live. And I didn't want to live. And I didn't know what to do about it because I still had social constraints about taking my own life. I quit praying then and I just kept praying that God would let me develop a terminal disease or that I could die in some way and God wouldn't let me die. I felt very trapped. I felt that God wouldn‘t let me have what I wanted here and He wouldn't take me home and I felt like He wanted to punish me. And I didn't know why He wanted me to be so miserable but I was very angry about it. And that continued to be my attitude after I was excommunicated. I tried to the best of my knowledge to keep my heart pure. I know it‘s hard to keep the human heart humble and pure - that it‘s like peeling an onion - there is no end to it. But oh how I tried. I sat before Him telling Him that I would go through anything if I could just be a good soldier - if I could just feel His blessing and feel that what I was doing was what He wanted and feel a little bit of approval to remove this terrible void inside of me. I had got into that [sect] because I didn't want that void inside of me. And I still wonder how a person, to the best of their knowledge, could maintain a pure heart and yet be so betrayed, and yet God let it happen. I still wonder that …

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I can't be around other Christians very easily. And I cannot walk into some church and sit there and listen to some man tell me anything. And I do not trust Christian men for the most part, who are in positions of authority. And I'm no fool, in a way I mean something tells me there are kind and benevolent men who are in those positions, but I still have this strange feeling that ―Why would God not let me find them, particularly when I wanted to so badly?‖ And so I could only conclude that it was probably some flaw in me that made Him deprive me of that. *** [Ruth] Right after the excommunication I was very emotional. AU my friends were in the group. I was a freshman when I went in. I was even more [emotional] when I was being told by people that I had looked up to... that I was in awful sin ... Lately, it fluctuates. Sometimes it‘s still emotional and sometimes it still hurts; other times I'm just angry with them because I feel like there are things that I can't do. I feel like I always have to watch my step - I feel like there is somebody watching - paranoia. Even at times there is dislike of even seeing them just because of the feelings there - it hurts. Now a lot it‘s more indifference. It matters but it doesn't really matter. They are very subjective and I feel that they are going to say what they will about me anyway. I have this great fear - there is always uncertainty of where I'm standing with them. I would label it as fear of what they would have to say. To my knowledge they haven't brought in my personal life - problem areas in my life before [I joined the group] but some people [still in the group] knew them very intimately. I am afraid that they will. TVs almost like a fear of blackmail that they will bring those into the ballgame. It's a fear of the added pressure. I feel like I was used while I was in the group and now that I'm out I feel like I'm still being watched. I don't know if it‘s my own paranoia or not. I don't know if I'll ever know. I do know that I want to get out of [this city). References Dentler, R.A., and Erikson, K.T. (1959). The functions of deviance in groups. Social Problems, 7, 98-107. Durkheini, E. (1895). The normal and the pathological. In R.A. Farrell and V.L. Swigert (Eds.), Social deviance. Belmont, CA: Wadworth Publishing Co. 1988. Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Garfinkel, H. (1956). Conditions of successful degradation ceremonies. American Journal of Sociology, 61, 420-424. Gusfield, J. (1967). Moral passage: Tle symbolic process in public designations of deviance. SocialProbleim, 15, 175-188. Hilgartner, S., Bell, R.C., and O'Connor, R. (1983). Nukespeak-. Middlesex, England. Penguin Books. Janis, I. (1972). GroupThink. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Kanter, R.M. (1977). Men and women of the corporation. New York: Basic Books. Kiesler, C.A., and Kiesler, S.B. (1967). Conformity. Reading, MA: Addison- Wesley Publishing Co. Kipnis, D. (1976). The Powerholders. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. Lauderdale, P. (1976). Deviance and moral boundaries. American Sociological Review, 41, 660676. Lemert, E.M. (1962). Paranoia and the dynamics of exclusion. Sociometry, 25, 22-20. Livingstone, M. (1955). News and notes. Science, 121 (3152), May 27, 756.

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Lofland, J. (1977). ―Becoming a world-saver‖ revisited. American Behavioral Scientist, 20, 805818. Lofland, J., and Stark, R. (1965). Becoming a world-saver: A theory of conversion to a deviant perspective. American Sociological Review, 30, 862- 875. MacDonald, J.P. (1986). ―Groupthink‖ processes in the excommunication procedures of a fundamentalist religious sect. Paper presented at the annual meetings of the Southwest Social Science Association, Dallas, TX, April 10- 13. MacDonald, I.P. (1986). ―Reject the wicked man‖: Conflict management, coercive persuasion, and deviance production within a fundamentalist religious sect Master's thesis, New Mexico State University. MacDonald, J.P. (1987). Ideology, utopia, and the dialectic of functionalism: The evolution of coercive environments. In press. MacDonald, J.P. (1988). Coercive persuasion and the manufacture of deviance: The exploitation of Stereotypic Extremes. In press. Meerlo, J.A.M. (1956). The rape of the mind: The psychology of thought control, menticide, and brainwashing. Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Co. Newman, G. (1978). The punishment response. Philadelphia: ].B. Lippincott Co. Sargent, W. (1959). Battle for the mind: A physiology of conversion and brainwashing. New York: Harper and Row. Scheff, T. (1984). Being mentally ill: A sociological theory. New York: Aldine Publishing Co. Schein, E., Schneier, I., & Barker, C. H. (1961). Coercive persuasion: A sociopsychological analysis of the ―brainwashing‖ of American civilian prisoners by the Chinese Communists. New York. Norton. Singer, M.T. (1985). Orwellian psychological techniques within totalist religion. Paper given at the Cult Awareness Network/Citizens Freedom Foundation Annual Conference. Jerry Paul MacDonald holds degrees in Earth Science and Social Science as well as a master's degree in sociology from New Mexico State University. He holds twin research appointments in sociology and earth science and is presently director of the Paleozoic Trackway Project in Las Cruces, New Mexico. His current research includes analyses of both the Paleozoic environment of the Southwest United States, and of the structure and evolution of coercive environments for a forthcoming book on cults and new religions. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 59-121. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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Litigating the Cult-Related Child Custody Case Randy Frances Kandel, J. D., Ph. D. Mayerson, Zorn, Perez & Kandel Abstract Successful litigation of child custody cases involving a cult group depends on several factors: showing that cult practices harm the child and that the cult leader is a surrogate parent; keeping multiple cases before the same judge and consolidating multiple actions for hearings and trial; making special use of expert witnesses; and getting the help and support of ex-members. Successful litigation of child custody cases in which one parent is a member of a destructive cult requires strategies and techniques that focus the court's attention on the fact that the hierarchical totalitarian structure of the cult controls both parent and child. The cult leaders substantially usurp the parenting function; their dictates replace the decision-making usually exercised by custodial parents; and the parent-child interaction is embedded in and inseparable from cult practices and relationships. Child custody litigation between a cult member parent and an independent parent can involve a broader judicial inquiry into the techniques of mind, lifestyle, and environmental control practiced by destructive cults than virtually any other type of cult-related litigation. In cases involving adults, the courts have been generally reluctant to recognize causes of action grounded in psychological manipulation (such as ―coercive persuasion‖ or ―mind control‖) because of the law's strong presumption that adults act autonomously and voluntarily. But no comparable presumption attaches to children when custody is at issue. To the contrary, the very purpose of child custody litigation is to decide on an environment (human and otherwise) which will be ―in the best interests of the child.‖ The court may evaluate the rules and relationships to which the child will be exposed commonsensically and qualitatively (if not judgmentally) precisely with regard to the formative effect they may have on the child's developing psyche. The statutory recitation of the factors to be considered in determining child custody varies slightly from state to state, but it universally involves broad, sweeping inquiry into the relative ―fitness‖ of the parents emotionally, financially, and otherwise. Testimony on the daily ritual and minutiae of cult life, including how and with whom the child spends time, the extent and nature of parental interaction, the methods of child discipline, the child's education, and the non-parental adults who will interact with the child, is relevant to the determination. The Sullivanians: Beliefs and Practices In the past several years, our firm and others have represented in child custody matters several former members of the so-called ―psychotherapeutic community‖ known as the Sullivan Institute for Research in Psychoanalysis/Fourth Wall Repertory Company. This entity, located on New York City's Upper West Side, has approximately 250 members, most of whom are well-educated professionals in their late twenties to early forties. The core of the Sullivanian theory is that the nuclear family and all strong dyadic relationships are psychologically destructive, and that parent-child bonds in particular are the root of all evil and the mainspring of psychological maladjustment. Members must break off contact with parents and friends ―outside‖ and learn to loathe them; avoid forming intense dyadic relationships; and maintain ongoing sexual relationships with other group members. Marriages, although permitted for reasons of convenience, financial and the like, Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 87

are non-monogamous, non-coresidential and frequently formed and resolved at the dictates of the leadership. The heart of the various profit and not-for-profit entities under which the Sullivanians operate is a ―psychotherapeutic institute‖ to which the leaders and both licensed and lay therapists belong. AU members are required to be in perpetual therapy with these therapists. According to former Sullivanians, the therapists control members‖ lives through manipulation of the transference phenomenon. Transference is the process by which the patient transfers onto the therapist many of the primary reactions, feelings, and thoughts that were once associated with other highly significant persons in the patient's life. Responsibly handled transference can be therapeutic, but it offers the therapist an opportunity to exercise great control over the patient Unscrupulously handled transference can become a medium to foster cult allegiance and a means to the authoritarian domination of cult members. Former Sullivanian therapists admit that therapeutic confidentiality is broken down in the group. Therapy sessions are a means for the leaders to extract information and exert control. The therapists themselves report the substance of therapy sessions to their own supervisors, the Sullivanian leaders. Most Sullivanians, married or unmarried, live with other Sullivanians in sex- segregated apartments. Peer pressure, encouraged and directed by Sullivanian therapists, reinforces conformity to Sullivanian mores and dictates of the leaders. Not surprisingly, Sullivanian child-raising practices manifest Sullivanian ideology. As described by former Sullivanians, the therapist's consent is needed to bear or raise a child. Sometimes it is decided, prior to birth or even conception, that the biological parent and the nurturing parent will be different people. From infancy the cult applies stringent measures to interfere with the development of loving bonds between mother and baby. Full-time babysitters or ―committees‖ of cult members, under the authoritarian direction of the cult leader, are assigned to each child and act as guards and gossips to ward off any show of maternal affection. Others who are excessively demonstrative toward their children may have their babies taken from them for foster-parenting or adoption by other group members. As the child grows up, a continuous round of adults other than the parent or full-time babysitter supervises the child for some brief period of time each day so that parents may be literally forced to ―date‖ their own children. Parents must discuss every aspect of their children's lives with their therapists, and the children themselves are frequently in therapy from an early age. Thus, every aspect of the children's lives - what they shall do, who their friends shall be, where they shall go to school, how they shall spend vacations - comes directly under the purview and control of the therapist/leaders. Litigation Strategies and Tactics In one of the custody proceedings which are the basis for this report, our firm represented a mother who had been forbidden contact with her infant daughter by the Sullivanian leadership. The mother took the child and left the Sullivanian community, at which point the father/husband petitioned for a writ of habeas corpus. In the other two proceedings, handled by other counsel not of our firm, fathers who are former Sullivanians sought custody of their children from their exwives who continue to live in the Sullivanian community. Based upon our experience and observations, we can suggest certain general guidelines for attorneys to consider in similar situations. Emphasize the Destructive and Dangerous Influence of the Cult on the Child. Make the court aware at the outset that the adversary is the cult and that the cult is dangerous. In the case handled by my firm, this issue emerged immediately when we refused to disclose the

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address of the mother and child. We maintained that confidentiality was needed because of the risk of physically and psychologically dangerous reprisals from the Sullivanians. Indeed, courts have held quite uniformly that the whereabouts of a spouse and children are protected by the attorney-client privilege where one spouse fears the other's violent propensities or where the marital situation appears to be potentially explosive. We argued that confidentiality was even more necessary in a case, like the one in question, where the wife/mother fears not merely an estranged husband, but the combined force of a cult group which operates through physical violence and psychological terrorism. When we refused to reveal the mother's address, the court held several days of evidentiary hearings on the dangerous aspects of the Sullivanians - placing the destructiveness of the cult environment into issue prior to any concerns about individual parental fitness. Former Sullivanians testified about physical and psychological control within the group. Former Sullivanian parents testified that they had been forced to surrender their children or required to send them to boarding school at ages as young as three years. Testimony was given by young adults who had been raised within the Sullivanians on the suffering they had experienced. (One Sullivanian- raised young adult had become a teenage alcoholic. Another had committed suicide.) Although never formally concluded because our case was happily resolved, these hearings set the stage for all further proceedings. Most significantly through these hearings, a kind of ―longitudinal evidence‖ was brought into the case by which the destructiveness of Sullivanian child-raising patterns was demonstrated through testimony of the psychological injuries suffered by other children raised in the group. Focus on Control: The Cult Leader as the Real Parent Bring the cult leaders into the case. Put them on the stand and let them expose themselves through their own testimony. If procedurally possible (for example, as respondents on a habeas corpus petition) join the cult leaders or significant members as parties in the case. Their ―parenting‖ role is a genuine and material factor in determining custody. In child custody litigation, the issue of relative parental ―fitness‖ can be dispositive. A fit parent is a parent capable of making independent, mature, autonomous, and rational decisions about the raising of a child, and also capable of acting upon those decisions. Parents who must ―clear everything‖ with their therapist or who must respond blindly to the dictates of the leadership do not meet this standard. Fortunately, during the course of extended litigation the authoritarian control of the cult leaders will frequently make itself evident. For example, decisions to move all the cult children from one school to another or from one summer camp to another; or to permit or deny all cult children to engage in a certain activity or to play with other children betray the absence of responsible, independent parenting. Bring all such examples of controlled group action to the court's attention. The fact of leadership control is related to the issue of parents' rights as well as parental fitness. The right to decide how one's child shall be raised is not necessarily equivalent to the right to turn over to someone else decisions about how one's child shall be raised. While both parents may be assumed at the outset to have equal rights to their children, the same is not true of parental surrogates whom the cult may appoint. In the Sullivanian cases particularly, the practices of appointing perpetual babysitters, rotating cult members in turn to care for the baby, and limiting the parent's own time with the child, were arguments against cult parents' having primary custody. The amount of time and the amount of quality time which a parent is able to spend with a child are usually factors in deciding the ordinary custody case. Thus, the extraordinarily small amount of private quality time a cult parent spends with a child may be of particular significance.

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Keep Multiple Cases Before the Same Judge Few things can be more advantageous in cult-related custody litigation than to keep several cases involving the same cult before the same judge. First, the repetition and expansion of contextual information which can thus be provided to the court makes a strong evidentiary statement on the quality and nature of a child's life in a cult. Besides, cults are exposed when the same patterns of oddities and abuse in child-raising matters and husband-wife relations occur again and again in multiple cases. From an evidentiary perspective, trying multiple cult cases before the same judge permits evidence on the often bizarre similarities in the lives of different cult children - revealing and proving as cult pattern and practice what might otherwise appear to be vagaries and idiosyncrasies of parental personalities. When various cult cases are assigned to a single judge, the court can gain a thorough understanding of the manipulations of the cult leadership which may be impossible to perceive by viewing any single case in isolation. Second, assignment to the same judge makes possible cooperation and collaboration among the various non-cult parents and their attorneys. Working through such a ―quasi-class action‖ structure allows non-cult parties to meet the power of the cult with their own power. All attorneys, and sometimes all parties, may attend judicial conferences. It enables non-cult parties to combine financial resources against the vastly greater financial power of the cult by sharing the costs of trial preparation, expert witness fees, and clerical costs. Use of the same judge, in addition, allows an intimate support network to form among the non-cult parties, which is essential to maintaining stamina, spirits, and morale in the face of cult forces' continuing psychological influence. Ex-cult members leave behind both an authoritarian structure, which has dictated their Lifestyles and decisions and all the friendships and emotional attachments they have known for years. They re-enter a world which is strange, threatening, lonely, and confusing without the supportive reintegrative network of other former cult members. The assignment of three Sullivanian custody cases to the same judge proved to be a markedly effective tool. Fortunately, only a month before the commencement of the Sullivanian cases, a massive reorganization of litigation management took place in the New York State judicial system. Under the new organization, known as the LAS (Individual Assignment System), each case is assigned at the outset to one particular judge who thereafter hears all motions, matters, and evidentiary hearings, and conducts all conferences related to the case. Initially, cases are randomly assigned to judges by computer. However, by attorney request or administrative decision, cases may be assigned to a particular judge before whom other related matters are pending. When rust requesting judicial attention, an attorney is required to indicate such other, related pending cases. The first two Sullivanian cases were assigned to the same judge without objection from the Sullivanians. Although the actions were not formally consolidated, the cases were combined for the purposes of the evidentiary hearings, and most judicial conferences were also informally combined. When the third ex-Sullivanian parent requested assignment to the same judge, the issue was body although belatedly litigated by counsel for the Sullivanian parent. The independent parents won a substantial victory when the administrative law judge ruled that all Sullivanian cases were to be handled by the same judge. Finding such assignment to be of the very essence of the IAS system, the administrative judge stated that a major benefit of the IAS is the ability to eliminate duplication and waste of judicial resources by assigning cases arising from the same subject matter to the same judge. He found a sufficient legal and factual nexus among the cases to warrant assigning the Sullivanian custody cases to the same judge.

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Consolidate Actions for Hearings and Trial An even more powerful tactic is the actual consolidation of actions for hearing and trial. Such consolidation allows evidentiary emphasis to be placed dramatically on the acts and attitudes of the cult. Moreover, it enables clients to more easily bear the costs of protracted litigation by sharing them. Winning a motion for consolidation of matrimonial actions is, in and of itself, a victory against the cult because it necessarily entails a judicial determination that the commonalities of cult life and child-raising provide a sufficient common nexus of fact and law even in the intimate, unique, and variable area of relationships among nuclear family members. In the Sullivanian cases, the issue of consolidation came up twice. The first firm was at the very beginning of the litigation, during the hearings on the dangerousness of the cult. Consolidation was essentially defacto. While hearings were proceeding in regard to the confidentiality of the mother's address in the first action, a second former cult parent was attacked, allegedly by a member of the cults security forces who was reputed to be a black belt in karate. As the two cases were proceeding in tandem before the same judge, the hearings, almost as a matter of course, came to apply to both cases. The attempt at consolidation was less successful the second time. The two ex- Sullivanian fathers, who by that time were both represented by the same attorney and were living in a house they had rented together, made a formal motion to consolidate their trials. In a published opinion, the New York State Supreme Court (Walter Shackman, J.) held: [T]he Court finds a joint trial is inappropriate. In each case the Court is separately concerned with the psychological environment surrounding the children as a result of the interaction between their parents, each parent and child/children, and between the children and significant other adults and children with whom the children interact as well as the physical environment in which they reside. Combining these two cases would make the Court's task of evaluating the evidence pertaining to the individuals involved more difficult While the Court is cognizant of the fact that a joint trial would reduce the fathers' cost of litigation, the Court does not believe it would result in a more economical use of judicial resources, for it deprives the parties of the individual attention each case warrants. Furthermore, a joint trial might create the impression that the court ―should‖ or ―would‖ decide the issues of custody and visitation similarly, without acknowledging that the Court is concerned with two separate family units. Having decided to have children together, these parents have implicitly committed themselves to an ongoing relationship to each other insofar as it relates to the best interests of their children. This relationship is now distinct from any communal relationship the parents once shared, and must necessarily grow to encompass the differing needs and preferences of maturing children. The Court finds a separate trial better fosters autonomous parenting and independent reflection upon parental guidance and the children's well-being. Notably, this decision was reached despite the fact that the common questions of fact were unusually great. The children did not merely share a similar life with their mothers among the Sullivanians; they shared a similar life with their fathers as well. The fathers shared a house with a common living space and outdoor play space for the children, and frequently engaged in activities together when the children resided with them. Moreover, the judge was familiar with these arrangements and had presided over the entirety of the three cases. The consolidation decision perhaps exemplifies the difficulties which may be encountered by an attorney who attempts in any sense to ―litigate against the cult‖ rather than exposing the cult activities which may be detriment to the best interests of the child. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 91

Make Special Use of Expert Witnesses In planning a trial strategy, attorneys should consider and select among the multiple possible uses of psychologists, psychiatrists, anthropologists, and sociologists as expert witnesses. Testimony by social and behavioral scientists who have done primary research on a cult, or clinicians who have treated former cult members and their families, can be invaluable in providing information on the patterns of child-raising within the cult. If such experts testify in court, caution them to concentrate on facts about the social organization, culture, and interpersonal dynamics in the group and about the psychological consequences of these factors. Avoid the battle of theories that is subject to First Amendment protection and which creates a tangle of ideologies while raising issues of admissibility under the Frye test. As first enunciated in the case of Frye v. United States, 293 F. 1013 (CADC 1923), the rule holds that ―in admitting expert testimony deduced from a well-recognized scientific principle or discovery, the thing from which the deduction is made must be sufficiently established to have gained general acceptance in the particular field in which it belongs.‖ The test can be used to exclude expert testimony in the behavioral and social sciences where the nature of academic debate often makes it impossible to meet the ―general acceptance‖ standard. But do elicit sufficient ethnographic detail to assist the clinical experts in giving their testimony. Such experts may also be helpful out of court in providing ethnographic and theoretical information to clinical experts. The body of scientific literature has swelled to substantial proportions, and any attorney litigating cult cases is well advised to become familiar with some of this material whether or not its authors are to testify as expert witnesses. The use of clinical experts must, almost necessarily, be more extensive than in a typical matrimonial action. The usual psychiatric or psychological evaluative consultation is done in the experts office and typically consists of interviews with the parents and children and observations of parent-child interaction. In a cult-related case this is simply not enough. The inquiry must not end with the question of whether the parent-child relationship is good or bad because much of the psychologically destructive quality of life in a cult comes from the mental and psychological control exercised by the cult leadership. The expert evaluation must include other issues such as: 1) who controls and directs the parent's functioning and decision-making; 2) who, other than the parent, disciplines and cares for the child; 3) how much time do parents spend with their children and what is the nature of the interaction; 4) who, other than the parents, makes decisions about the child's upbringing and education, and what is the basis for these decisions. Ideally, the expert witness should have a substantial Opportunity to observe the parent-child interaction in ethnographic context (at home in the cult interacting with cult leaders and other cult members who are significant adults in the child's life). Alternatively, the expert should have the opportunity to testify about the effects of the cult's practices as developed through the testimony of others, through information provided by research-oriented experts, or through their scholarly works. Enlist the Help and Support of Other Ex-Members Individuals who had left the Sullivanians relatively recently formed a supportive, informal ―reentry‖ network of friends and associates who were in close and frequent contact with one another. The same is true for former members of many other groups. The people in this network provided invaluable assistance to both the litigators and the litigants. They testified as witnesses. They provided volunteer clerical services (helping, in a small way, to minimize the inordinate financial discrepancies between the wealth of the cult and the budgets of the independent parties). And, perhaps most importantly, they provided emotional and practical support to the ex-member parent parties during the long ordeal of litigation which, for the

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litigants, meant slowly and painfully breaking with and publicly exposing a former total way of life. Non-party former cult members are a litigation resource not to be underestimated. Randy Francis Kandel earned her Ph. D. in anthropology from the City University of New York in 1975 and a J. D., cum laude, from the New York University School of Law in 1982. The litigation partner in the firm of Mayerson Zorn Perez & Kandel, she has significant experience in matrimonial litigation, and has written numerous scholarly articles. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 122-131. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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Confessions of a Cult Watcher* Ronald Enroth, Ph. D. Westmont College Abstract The author's work has been criticized by some as ―anti-cult‖ because, as a Christian, he makes value judgments about cults which point out the dangers of involvement He in turn criticizes the apathy and naiveté of many Christian leaders and intellectuals who defend cults. The letter began, ―Dear Ron Enroth (Garbage Pig) 2 Timothy 2:3.‖ That unusual salutation was a clue to what would follow. In scribbled, disjointed handwriting, the anonymous letter writer rambled and raged about what a terrible person I was because of something I had supposedly said about his pastor/leader. ―You are the scum of the earth,‖ the letter continued. The writer claimed to have a message for me from the Holy Spirit. ―No swine has a soul... no pig goes to heaven ... Baby, you gonna die.‖ The police took that deranged threat very seriously. I had to take security precautions at home and at my office. Fortunately, I don't receive many letters quite that menacing. However, anyone who is a student of what Robert Ellwood calls ―emergent religion‖ will soon discover that the researcher's life can be full of surprises and bizarre encounters. For example: the aerogramme I received from a man in Australia. The letter read. ―On this day the Lord God of Israel gave me a nine word message with direction to send out this message worldwide to all mankind. The Message: Satanism And Religion Are One And The Same Thing.‖ I remember a time when I spent a day, along with several other writers, as a guest of the Unification Church at their seminary in New York SM. We had been told that Reverend Moon would not be available for an interview and that he was not on campus that day. Midway through the afternoon, as I was browsing in the seminary library, the Unificationist student who had been assigned as my guide came running down the hall in search of me. ―The rumor is out that Father is on his way to campus. I thought you might like to see him.‖ Ifs not every day that one gets to see a messiah and so I followed my Moonie host outside to the driveway in front of the main building. At any moment the limousine carrying the Lord of the Second Advent was scheduled to arrive. I will never forget the scene. The entire student body, faculty, and staff had gathered to greet their controversial Korean leader. There was excitement in the air and great anticipation on the faces of the followers. Later, I was to recall that moment when I observed in one of my writings, ―A god in the flesh is easier for some people to believe in.‖ As a Christian sociologist, I believe it is essential to work at integrating my faith and my discipline. I do not think it is possible (or desirable) to achieve a value-free sociology, whether one is a Christian or an unbeliever. Because of their commitment to objectivity (at least in theory), secular sociologists are offended by evangelicals who distinguish ―true‖ religion from ―false‖ religion. For the Christian cult watcher, determinations of ―truth‖ and ―falsehood‖ are vital to the preservation of orthodoxy. Secular social scientists avoid making evaluative statements about the belief systems and practices of cults and new religious movements. The Christian scholar, on the other hand, has an obligation - whenever it is appropriately possible - to affirm the proposition that God has revealed himself in the person of his Son, Jesus Christ, and that his word, the Bible, serves as our only baseline when comparing conflicting truth claims.

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Because of this strongly held conviction, I have sometimes been criticized for aligning with ―advocacy groups‖ and the so-called ―anticult‖ movement It may come as a surprise to some that there are very strong, emotional views within the academic community on the topic of cults. Jesuit sociologist Joseph Fichter regularly denounces the bigotry of those who are ―detractors and critics of cults‖ while apparently seeing no inconsistency in his role as ―objective‖ scholar when he heaps praise on the Unification Church. In a letter to The Chronicle of Higher Education (July 14, 1982), sociologist of religion Jeffrey Hadden expressed concern that the word ―cult‖ had been used 11 times in an earlier article and that seven times it had been preceded by the adjective ―destructive.‖ I find it perplexing that even professing, mainline Christians are reluctant to talk about ―false prophets‖ and the potential for spiritual harm that many new religious movements represent. Dean Kelley, an executive of the National Council of Churches, dismisses as ―hysteria‖ the concerns of ―anticult alarmists‖ and denigrates efforts aimed at cult awareness education. Methodist H. Newton Malony feels that it is inappropriate for a Christian behavioral scientist ―to expose deviation and to warn the innocent.‖ He finds the very existence of an organization like the evangelical Spiritual Counterfeits Project to be ―reprehensible‖ (personal correspondence). Malony, a professor at Fuller Seminary, has been a consultant and expert witness for several controversial new religious movements, including the Church of Scientology. In their book Strange Gods: The Great American Cult Scare, sociologists David Bromley and Anson Shupe question the ―allegations of danger‖ and the ―horror stories‖ often associated with the cult experience. While it is true that exaggeration and sensationalism have characterized the accounts of cult life provided by some ex-members, I can attest to the validity of much personal tragedy and family disruption suffered as a result of membership in extremist groups. I have spent hundreds of hours interviewing people who have been the victims of exploitation - sexual, emotional, financial, and spiritual. I recall, for example, how painful it was for a mother who had spent 11 years in a cult to tell me how her nine-year-old son (who had grown up in the group) had never seen a dentist or a physician because the group which they had just left did not believe in medical care of any kind under any circumstances. Her son had broken an ankle and was now permanently lame. I agree with Dr. Louis West, UCLA psychiatrist who argues that there are many apologists for the cults - even in academic circles - who are ―armchair philosophers‖ and who have never seen firsthand the destructive impact that some cults can have on the lives of individuals. Finally, I am discouraged at the apathy and especially the naiveté that exists in much of the Christian community with regard to cults and new religious movements. A Catholic priest in California told one young woman's parents that they should not be concerned about her deepening involvement in Scientology because he had heard that the organization would improve both her IQ and her personality. In a recently published book entitled Understanding Cults and New Religions (Eerdmans, 1986), Irving Hexharn and Karla Poewe, discussing the Book of Mormon, make the incredible observation that, except for its teaching about the Fall, ―its theology is simple and fundamentally orthodox.‖ But perhaps the most disturbing examples of naiveté are found in the public statements of two well-known fundamentalist Christians - Jerry Falwell and Tim LaHaye - regarding Sun Myung Moon. Both men, sincerely concerned about the erosion of religious freedom in America, have been used by the Unification Church in an attempt to gain acceptance and sympathy from the religious mainstream in the face of Reverend Moon's imprisonment on tax charges. Both men made widely publicized appeals based on their perception that Moon had been unfairly persecuted by the U.S. government. At a Washington, D.C. press conference, Jerry Falwell called on President Reagan to pardon Reverend Moon. At a religious freedom rally in the same city, Tim LaHaye asked ministers to join him in a declaration of support for Moon by agreeing to spend one week in prison with him (Moon). Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 95

I began this essay by quoting from a letter I had received and I close by making reference to another, very different letter. I have been corresponding with a man who has had some troubling experiences with a particular group. I have tried to help him by letter, patiently answering his questions, encouraging him when possible. From his earnest, simple letters, I suspect that the man had little education. One letter was especially poignant He wanted to express his gratitude for my help. I would guess that he is a very lonely man. He said that both his parents had died within the past five years. ―My finances are very bad at this time. Not employed. Enclosed is $3.00 cash to help. Your friend, Don.‖ That kind of letter makes it all worthwhile. * This article first appeared in Radix (Vol. 18, No. 1, 1987, pp. 20-21) to whom we are grateful for permission to reprint it here. Ronald M. Enroth, Ph. D., is Professor of Sociology at Westmont College in Santa Barbara, California. He is the author of The Lure of the Cults and New Religions and many other books and articles.

This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 132-135. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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Book Review The Health and Wealth Gospel. A Fresh Look at Healing, Prosperity, and Positive Confession. By Bruce Barron. Inter-Varsity Press. Downers Grove, EL. 1987. 206 pages. $6.95. Now Choose Life . . . The Faith Assembly: A Study in Understanding. By Jack P. Clark. 303 S. Huntington Street, Syracuse IN 46567. No date. 20 pages. Reviewed by Rita Swan, Ph.D. In March 1988, baby Julianna Keys of Columbia City, Indiana, died of untreated pneumonia, and was listed by the press as the 100th preventable death in Faith Assembly. The first was also a baby, who died in 1973. The church and its leader, the late Rev. Hobart Freeman, have become notorious for their opposition to medical care and its tragic consequences. Two devout Christians have recently written about Faith Assembly in ways that may possibly communicate with the membership. Jack P. Clark, a medical doctor and lay leader of the Methodist Church in Indiana, has written Now Choose Life ... The Faith Assembly, A Study in Understanding. Bruce Barron, a publicist for the Presbyterian Church, has written The Health and Wealth Gospel. Clark‘s work is an impassioned plea addressed to Faith Assembly members, including his own daughter and grandchildren. He commends them for their acceptance of salvation through Christ and devotion to Him. He asks them to accept medical science as another blessing from God. He cites many Bible verses commending the use of medicine and discusses the contributions of Luke, the beloved physician, to Christianity. Barron‘s work is a thoughtful study of the faith movement, from which Faith Assembly sprang. His extensive bibliography exposes the reader to both sides of the issue. The faith movement, also known as the Word movement, is a branch of Pentecostalism that has rapidly grown in influence since the charismatic revival of the 1960s. Barron focuses on the three most controversial doctrines of the movement: faith healing, prosperity, and positive confession. Barron concludes that the prominent, respected faith teachers today, such as Kenneth Hagin and Kenneth and Gloria Copeland, do not pressure their followers to withhold medicine. Yet they also, he points out, establish divine healing as superior to medical healing and as available to anyone with strong enough faith. He concedes that this elitism can lead to tragedies, but concludes that they are ―little different from other Christians.‖ (p. 87) The faith teachers proclaim that God wants all Christians to be rich. They specifically promise their listeners six-figure bank accounts, Cadillacs, and mansions in return for financial contributions to them and enough faith. Barron is offended by their appeals to greed, but ultimately finds mitigating factors. He cites caveats from the more prominent leaders to the effect that ―the main reason God wants his people to have money is so that they can reach millions with the gospel.‖ (p. 95) And he finds Bible verses to support their promises of material prosperity. A third distinctive feature of the faith movement is positive confession, which may be paraphrased as name it and claim it. Believers are encouraged to tell God what they want and then claim it as their own. They are told that saying anything that contradicts their claims (e.g., saying they are still sick after they have claimed a healing) is a negative confession with negative consequences. Again, Barron finds some biblical basis for this practice and some qualifications by prominent faith teachers. He also believes that many Christians should do less complaining and plan to be ―victorious‖ over problems. But he remains highly dubious about positive confession, Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 97

both because of the selfishness it encourages and because it denies Gods lordship over life by setting up faith as a tool for acquiring things. In a nutshell, the faith teachers do believe in divine grace and vicarious atonement. But they see the crucifixion as redeeming mankind not only from sin, but also sickness and poverty. Because those blessings have already been guaranteed to God‘s people, they argue that one need only claim them with enough insistence and faith and he or she will get them. Barron closes with a chapter designed to separate the excesses and incorrect doctrines of the faith movement from its positive benefits and true doctrines. He says he has not found the ―mainstream of the faith movement‖ to be ―heretical on any specific point.‖ (p. 152) However, he believes its leaders need to apply proper hermeneutics to Bible study, to expose followers to Bible interpretation from outside of the faith movement, and to discontinue the exploitation of viewers who pay for television ministries. Barron‘s book is a valuable contribution. Fence mending should not be pushed that far, however. The differences among Christians in regard to medical science, for example, remain significant Hagin‘s and the Copelands‘ patronizing attitude toward medicine is very different from that of Dr. Clark. Kenneth Hagin was quick to denounce Hobart Freeman after nationwide press coverage of the unnecessary deaths in his congregation. But Hobart Freeman‘s literature makes use of "positive confession" and other techniques first promoted by Hagin. Hagin‘s literature is rife with dangers in this area. He teaches persistent denial of disease symptoms and construction of a new verbal reality. Arguing that thinking and conversation determine experience, he criticizes those who ―confess‖ they are or might be sick. He states: If a person acts upon the Word of God, they will ignore what this outward man tells them. The body may tell them that the symptoms are still there, even the pain or the misery, or whatever it is. But instead of walking by natural, human faith, you walk by Bible faith. I have seen people with conditions that the doctors said could never be cured, but as I opened the Word to them, I have seen them with every symptom still present say, ―I‘m healed ...‖ Many of [these people] are alive and well today with no symptoms of the disease whatsoever. Yet, when they acted in faith and made their confession, they had every symptom.(1) Hagin tells of his little daughter Pat developing a growth near her eye. While he was on a tour, his wife wrote to ask what Pat should tell the school nurse when she checked the children. After two nights of meditating in his hotel room, Hagin wrote, ―You tell Pat that Daddy said she‘s healed, just as well as I know in my head that two plus two is four...‖ Hagin says, ―I didn‘t tell her what to tell the nurse. You see, I had taken the Word of God and built it into my spirit… And I never did answer that question.‖(2) The growth did disappear before the nurse arrived, but some might be concerned about the attitude this episode suggests, namely that society‘s questions do not have to be answered because God has given you a different version of reality. Hagin does not tell his followers to discard medicine or avoid doctors. But he says that he will never get sick and that ―God‘s medicine‖ of Bible readings is the only medicine he will ever take,(3) thus implying what they should do. He also teaches that sickness is caused by Satan. He repeatedly tells followers to deny disease symptoms, to think, believe, and tell the world that they are not sick and never will be sick. His literature includes many testimonies in which doctors‖ prognoses are proved wrong. All of these aspects encourage followers to forego medical help and rely on faith instead. To my knowledge, Hagin gives them no guidance on when to stop denying symptoms and dash for the emergency room. The Health and Wealth Gospel should be read by everyone who wants to understand the faith movement. However, scholars should also study this movement from the perspective of other Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 98

disciplines. Rather than focusing on questions of doctrinal orthodoxy, we need to understand the techniques at work. Such a perspective will find common tactics of mind control among many religions espousing spiritual healing, despite their great differences in Christology. Notes 1. Kenneth Hagin, The Word of Faith (January 1972); quoted by Frances MacNutt, Healing (New York. Bantam, 1976). 2. Hagin, ―God‘s Medicine‖ (Tulsa: Kenneth Hagin Ministries, 1985), p. 22. 3. Ibid., p. 22.

Rita Swan, Ph. D. is the founder and president of CHILD (Children’s Healthcare Is A Legal Duty), a national organization which studies the dynamics of faith healing and advocates a repeal of statutes that give religious exemptions from parental duties of care. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5., Number 1, pages 136-139. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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Book Review Unmasking the New Age. by Douglas R. Groothius. Inter-Varsity Press. Downers Grove, EL. 1986. 200 pages. $6.95. Unholy Spirits: Occultism and New Age Humanism. By Gary North. Dominion Press. Ft. Worth, TX. $19.95.

Reviewed by Herbert Schlossberg

Reenchanting the World* ―Do not seek to become a god.‖ - Pindar Once we begin to see that we are all God, that we all have the attributes of God, then I think the whole purpose of human life is to re-own the Godlikeness within us; the perfect love, the perfect wisdom, the perfect understanding, the perfect intelligence, and when we do that, we create back to that old, that essential oneness which is consciousness. This is the religious philosophy being taught to students in the Los Angeles public schools, as part of a federally funded project. Where is the ACLU now that we need it? Kant has few readers outside of university philosophy departments, but his influence obviously extends to Los Angeles. Part of Kant‘s legacy to the modem world is the iron curtain that seals off all reality into two compartments: that which can be known by the senses - phenomena - and that which cannot be known by the senses - noumena. The latter includes the objects we normally associate with the religious: God, spirit, immortal soul, and so on. One of the unintended effects of this effort was to provide an excuse for ignoring the noumenal world. What modem man cannot know through the senses, he feels safe in dismissing from further consideration. One of the first and most notable casualties of this reasoning is the idea of purpose. The senses are silent on such topics. The response of Nietzsche and the existentialists was a sometimes stoical despair. The naive managed to keep up the cheerful scientism that characterizes the work of scientific publicists Eke Isaac Asimov and Carl Sagan, but the official grin of 19th-century optimism is beginning to resemble the rictus of a corpse. Coexisting with such thinking throughout much of the last century-and-a-half, especially in Europe, was the philosophy of Hegel. His all-pervading spirit was a sophisticated contra-Kantian development of what Aldous Huxley called the ―perennial philosophy.‖ Thus pantheism was the religion - often unacknowledged - of a great many of those in the 19th-century intellectual classes who did not subscribe to scientism. Ernst Troeltsch, early in this century, surveyed the German Protestant church and found it to be largely pantheist in orientation. This suggests that a simple-minded scientism, artificially and naively extended in time by the Asiniovs and the Sagans, was only a passing phase that its inherent instability was such that it had to give way before long. It is remarkable that it lasted as long as it did, but that long life was largely a phenomenon of the English-speaking world. Writing in The Idea of Nature (1945), British philosopher R.G. Collingwood contended that its passing marked the end of a temporary aberration in intellectual history and a return to the mainstream of European thought There were prophets early in the century, who, observing the single-minded mania of the scienceboosters, could see that it had to come to an end. Oswald Spengler, in his massive two-volume tome The Decline of the West, predicted that the prevalent materialism would become unbearable and that people would be impelled to toy with weird cults as a means of escape. Max Weber, in his three-volume Economy and Society, prophesied that phenomenal man would collapse into Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 100

emotionalism and irrationality, which would be the prelude for the increase of centralized political power. If we read the Humanist Manifestos of 1933 and 1973 or innumerable documents from educators, lawyers, political parties, professional groups, and journalists, we see that, by and large, they‘re expressions of the Kantian phenomenal branch of modernism. They assume that history is selfcontained; that legal and ethical norms are mere conventions; that salvation comes by human endeavor; that science has provided (or will provide) all that we need to know and to have; that there is no valid expression of the supernatural possible; that all meaning comes from human definition and, hence, is arbitrary. In other words, these writings are forms of what has come to be called in some circles ―secular humanism.‖ This is what is on the way out. But what is going to replace it? Will it be the Christian alternative that it began displacing in the 18th century, or will it be something else? Gary North, in Unholy Spirits, sees the crucial phase of the change in the United States as the mid-1960s. The open eccentricities of the counterculture provided the most visible manifestations, but the essence of the movement - not widely recognized at the time - was a rejection of the merely phenomenal in favor of the noumenal. As the leaders of a Satanworshipping cult put it, ―When people come in here, they‘re expected to park their brains at the door.‖ It was the end of what Weber had called the "disenchantment of the world‖ - which had been mainly the contribution of Christian ideas in the West, the thinking which had made science possible. The spooks had returned, with a vengeance. The remarkable thing was that it seemed to happen overnight. In the dim recesses had lurked philosophical idealism religious mysticism, Eastern religion, the remnants of witchcraft and other esoteric manifestations of the noumenal; but now, as if they had received the long-awaited signal that the Trojans were asleep, they sprang fully formed from where they had lain hidden. Hard as it is to believe, the spooks were joined by science. The work of Heisenberg and Planck had undercut the hard atoms and determinism of the Newtonian world view, replacing the old certainties with new uncertainties. If physics - supposedly that hardest of the hard sciences - could foster mysticism then why be surprised that the social sciences should follow suit? Carlos Castaneda was able to use his alleged conversations with a Mexican shaman as the basis for a sympathetic portrayal in a doctoral dissertation that made witchcraft respectable. The popularity of his later books is convincing proof that the public caught up to - or did it lead? - the academics. My favorite prophet in this noumenal change is the Harvard theology professor Harvey Cox. Cox is not the sort of seer who hears the voice of God or uses sheep entrails to divine the future. He‘s an expert, rather, at doping out changing trends and recutting his philosophy to fit. Cox is the preeminent theologian of fashion. In 1965 he published The Secular City, his paean to secularity, to the phenomenal world which was leading us to an earthly paradise. Cox relied heavily on the German theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer, who argued that in the 20th century man would not need religion as a shield or as an explanation for reality. But Cox published his book at precisely the moment in history when it was being proved wrong. He repented swiftly and began work on The Feast of Fools, which appeared in 1969. The subtitle of this volume was, A Theological Essay on Festivity and Fantasy, and that was a good indication that he had rejected the gray-flannel-suit mentality that had dominated his earlier book. Looking around at all the bizarre goings-on of the 60s - the denial of rationality and the exaltation of fantasy - Cox pronounced it good: For him irrationality had become a Christian virtue. In retrospect, we can see that The Feast of Fools was only a way station. ―There is, after all, certain flimsiness, hence instability, to a position that says that human rationality is a function of our creation in the image of God, on the one hand, and denying the efficacy of reason on the other hand. To exalt the irrational on a basis that has some inner consistency, one would have to depart more frankly and decisively from the biblical roots. Cox did that in 1977 with the Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 101

publication of Turning East: The Promise and Peril of the New Orientalism a frank exaltation of Eastern pantheism and a call for its incorporation into American religion and culture. It is hard to say how influential these books have been, although it is certain they haven‘t raised the stir that The Secular City did. In any case, Cox‘s variety of prophet does not lead the way so much as show that the trail blazed by others has shifted direction. With the appearance in 1980 of Marilyn Ferguson‘s The Aquarian Conspiracy, the movement had its own chronicler, who revealed that far from remaining an exotic plant, oriental thinking had become domesticated and made suitable for the tastes of Western sophisticates. Ferguson was also able to document the number of ―normal‖ pursuits and institutions - like the corporation and the academic discipline which had been permeated by New Age thinking. The New Age religion did not have to rely on shamanism, witchcraft, and overt demonism. Now there were intellectuals like Erich Fromm, Carl Rogers, George Leonard, William Irwin Thompson, and Theodore Roszak - not to mention Shirley MacLaine. Respectable causes like holistic health and the human potential movement in psychology became havens for New Age thinking. The affinity between the new physics and pantheism brought in scientific recruits like physicist Frigof Capra of Berkeley. Consulting groups, such as the Pacific Institute, provided sanitized versions of mystical philosophy for corporations and government agencies including those of the intelligence and defense establishments. Perhaps sensing yet another arena in which they were being left in the dust, Soviet research teams have been focusing enormous resources on the paranormal, unconsciously inviting a redefinition of the term ―scientific socialism.‖ Naive souls might have expected to find the churches in the forefront in exposing this assault on the primary principles of Christian faith, but that has hardly been the case. The mainline Protestant denominations are lost in their accustomed sleep from which they awaken only to posture about sanctuary or apartheid. On the other hand, the Evangelicals have produced popular works alerting those willing to be alerted of the coming tide. British sociologist Os Guinness‘ interpretation of the counterculture of the 60s, The Dust of Death (1971), and James Sire‘s taxonomic study, The Universe Next Door (1976), had considerable material on the philosophic roots and the practical outworkings of the movement in their overtly mystical forms. However, it was not until 1983 that there appeared the serious exposes of the New Age movement in its now characteristic forms - that is, the ―secular‖ forms attractive to the educated middle class: Constance Cumbey‘s The Hidden Dangers of the Rainbow and Dave Hunt‘s Peace, Prosperity and the Coming Holocaust. Hunt followed that two years later with The Seduction of Christianity, which was an exposition, naming names, of the ways in which New Age thinking had been infiltrating into Christian groups. Cumbey and Hunt would have reached wider audiences if their books were not tied to the apocalyptic premillennialism that appeals to so many fundamentalist groups. By contrast, both Groothius and North write in the tradition of reformed Christianity. Unmasking the New Age is a straightforward, general survey of the movements manifestations in American society. Groothius‘ six identifying marks of the movement may be redundant but serve to illustrate the unitarian mentality of New Agers: (1) All is one. Differences are apparent only, without ontological standing. (2) All is God. The divine essence is everywhere and in everything. (3) Humanity is God. (Good news for the would-be divinities, who take their cue from The Next Whole Earth Catalogue: ―We are as Gods and might as well get good at it.‖). (4) A change in consciousness. If we fail to see the unity of everything and understand our own status as gods, the fault lies in bad thinking. We can raise our consciousness on classic Asian religions, or for lazy Americans there are quick fixes like est. (5) All religions are one - all roads going to the same place and all that. Similarly no systems of thought are unique, and no religions either. So watch out when they talk of the ―Christ event:‖ they mean something else. (6) Cosmic evolutionary optimism. The unfolding of the world divinity in history means everything keeps getting better all the time. Much of Groothius‘ book is a fleshing out of the promises of the six marks. He‘s Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 102

particularly good at showing the inroads of New Age thinking in the ordinary affairs of American life. Unholy Spirits is a very different book. This fat tome, originally published 10 years ago under another title, has now been brought up to date with a good deal of fresh material. The first chapter alone, ―The Crisis of Western Rationalism‖ is worth half the price of admission. The bulk of Unholy Spirits is taken up with extended treatments of some of the weirder aspects of the movement. North has read his Edgar Cayce, Carlos Castaneda, the androgyny propaganda, the meticulously documented and filmed instances of occult healing, Kirlian photographs, and so on. He has refused to get caught in the Kantian trap. Having rejected the old rationalism, now breaking up on the rocks, he also sees the disaster wrought by the mystical void. He‘s done that by finding common ground for the worlds of flesh and spirit, a unifying conception for the One and the Many. And he finds it the same place Groothius does - in the orthodox Christian faith. As the century wears on, that faith may once again resemble an embattled sect struggling against the forces of a bizarre and sometimes brutal pantheism.

* This review is reprinted, with permission, from Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture, April 1987.

This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5., Number 1, pages 140-144. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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Book Review Spiritual Choices: The Problem of Recognizing Authentic and Inauthentic Paths to Inner Transformation. Edited by Dick Anthony, Bruce Ecker, and Ken Wilber. Paragon House. New York. 1987. 448 pages. $24.95 hardcover-, $12.95 paper. Reviewed by Timothy Brauns Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary ―To shop in today‘s psychospiritual ―supermarket‖ is to encounter a confounding diversity of offerings ... the task of choosing among these offerings is intricate and subtle, and not without an element of risk.‖ This statement from the introduction of the book Spiritual Choices reflects the challenge of the spiritual search for many in contemporary American culture. Truly, some of the products on the shelf are ―nutritious;‖ some are devoid of substantive value; some are downright dangerous. How can one tell the real from the pretender? The editors of this book set for themselves the task of developing criteria for discernment as to what constitutes an authentic path to spiritual transformation. Spiritual Choices grew out of a seminar conducted at the Center for the Study of New Religious Movements at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley. The focus of the seminar was ―the problem of discerning between helpful and harmful involvement in the new religions.‖ The editors of this book, all of whom identify themselves as participant-observers of the new religious movements (NRMs), saw the need to steer a path between the two extremes of what they termed ―blanket reductionism of the opposition‖ and ―the wide open ecumenism eclecticism and optimism of the supporters.‖ Thus, while they embrace the transformative capabilities of mysticism especially in its eastern expressions, they resist embracing everything that comes along in that guise as being ―spiritual.‖ The direction of the work is therefore to develop both criteria and sensibilities for assessing the potential of specific spiritual groups and allowing the participant to experience authentic spiritual transformations without the acute negative psychological effects that are possible in new religious groups. This is done first through the promulgation of a typology of religious groups called "The Anthony Typology,‖ which is then further explained through a series of interviews with and essays by participants in various NRMS. The interviews include Werner Erhard of est (now The Forum), Ram Dass (Richard Alpert), Dick Anthony (a follower of Meher Baba), Claudio Naranjo, and an essay on the Zen Buddhist movement in America by Steven Tipton. This is followed by a series of essays which explore some of the more problematic aspects of involvement in NRMS. The book concludes with an interview with Jacob Needleman about the nature of transformative religion, and an essay concerning the nature of knowing with respect to the spiritual search. The Anthony typology is a classification that attempts to identify which kinds of groups lend themselves to authentic spiritual growth. In the process of doing this, it also isolates the kinds of groups that will tend toward being destructive. Three divisions compose the classification. The first division is called monistic-dualistic, and concerns the particular group‘s perception of the nature of reality. Monistic groups perceive that there is one ultimate, absolute essence which lies behind all of reality. The goal of these groups is to achieve a conscious, mystical oneness with that essence. Anthony et al. write, ―this orientation tends to view time, the material world, and discursive reasoning as illusory. Morality has a pragmatic but not an ultimate metaphysical basis.‖ The book is focused mainly on these types of groups. Dualistic groups, on the other hand, would reverse these distinctions and see all people on one of two paths to separate destinies. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 104

The second division is called technical-charismatic. It concerns the group‘s preferred style of spiritual progress. Technical groups rely chiefly on certain techniques to bring about their desired ends. Meditation groups that make use of a mantra are an example of a technical style. Charismatic groups are those in which a disciple‘s relationship with a spiritual master is seen as the path to bringing the disciple to a state of spiritual awakening. Some groups may include both aspects. The third division, called unilevel-multievel is the most crucial, and forms the heart of this typology. These distinctions concern the group‘s perception of the nature of spiritual reality. Unilevel groups, in Anthony et al‘s opinion, fall short of being able to bring their members inner transformation, because they ―err toward trivialization and misreading of the nature of genuine spiritual reality.‖ These errors are mainly of two sorts: univocality and consequentialism. Univocality means that the group adopts a literalism with respect to their language and text(s). The effect of this literalism is to destroy the hierarchy that exists between true gnosis, its symbol(s), and the interpretation of these symbols. Thus, true knowledge is seen as reducible to the group‘s particular interpretation. In the authors‘ words, ―the territory is confused with the map, and the interpretation of the map is confused with direct knowledge of the territory; thus, the reader of the map is confused with one who has arrived at the territory.‖ Consequentialism is the attitude that the value and proof of spiritual transformation lies in observable, predictable, and mundane consequences. There is therefore a pressure to make certain experiences the great divide between the enlightened and the unenlightened. This is spirituality not as a journey, but as a quantum leap. It ignores the ongoing, laborious nature of true spiritual growth. Consequentialism also ties spiritual progress to visible, often material results. Multilevel groups, in contrast, do not collapse the spiritual hierarchy. One is, on the other hand, made aware of the transcendent nature of spiritual reality and one‘s own imperfect ability to both grasp and communicate it. A mastery of terms and doctrines is therefore not confused with spiritual mastery. A multilevel group will also avoid the error of tying spiritual growth to mundane results or experiences. An authentic group will acknowledge that experiences, as powerful as they may be, can hinder growth as much as help it. The authors‘ assessment of multilevel groups as the type which will permit authentic spiritual growth does not negate any value of the unilevel groups. They are seen to offer valuable integrative functions to their adherents. They offer a solid footing in a society without moorings. On the other hand, because their perceptions fall short of embracing true spiritual reality, adherents of such groups will not find ―authentic paths to inner transformation.‖ In addition, their simplistic approaches to spirituality lend themselves to dangerous distortions. In the Anthony typology, the unilevel, dualistic, charismatic groups are particularly prone to destructive distortions. Their tendency toward a black and white world view, a strong separation between the elect and non-elect, and dependence on charismatic leadership are elements in this vulnerability. Jonestown is cited as an example of this type of group. In analyzing various types of groups, Anthony and Ecker suggest that different types of groups go awry in different ways: ―We have seen that unilevel dualism generates an excessively grouporiented basis for identity, and so is prone to authoritarian developments that neglect the individual. Unilevel monism swings to the opposite extreme of excessive autonomy and individuality, and so is prone to narcissistic tendencies that neglect the welfare of society.‖ While this may be granted in a very general way, it seems that groups that practice destructive cultism all suffer from the tendency of their leader(s) to be authoritarian and manipulative, albeit under differing guises. The sexual exploitation of the follower by an eastern-style group cannot be said to be essentially different from such exploitation by a western-style group if the effect on the disciple is the same, even if the reasoning is apparently different. The reader will have to judge

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for himself if the concepts of the Anthony typology are deep enough to cut through universal human tendencies to play God and exploit others. Rather than follow through with an examination of the remaining specifics of Spiritual Choices, I would like to comment on some of the major strengths and weaknesses of the book as a whole. Several aspects of Spiritual Choices are particularly helpful. First, the book helps us to think about religious groups in a contextual way. The guidance that is given to a spiritual seeker is made in terms of what his/her goal must be: spiritual realization, however one wishes to define this. Therefore, no matter how salutary the effects of a group may be to the one who participates in it, it should be assessed on the basis of whether it meets its basic obligation: to provide a path for the seeker which will not fall short. A group that fails in this basic area should be eschewed by the true disciple. This contextual view has much to say about religious groups that advertise themselves by appealing to a person‘s curiosity, desire for material success, health, or emotional well-being. Jacob Needleman comments, ―Frankly, I would prefer a religion that out-and-out says, ―You‘re going to get a lot of money and sex from this religion‖ to one that says, ―You‘re going to get transformation‖ and is really trying to get money and sex out of it without even knowing it themselves.‖ This observation points to matters of deception and self-deception at the deepest level and highlights the deceptive aspect of counterfeit groups in a comprehensive way. Second, the book contains a good deal of helpful historical and cultural analysis. America has passed through great upheaval in the last 25 years, and the authors do a good job of explaining how these changes have affected the religious landscape. They also analyze how our culture breeds confusion concerning true spiritual transformation. They offer some valuable insights into the problem of individualism in the spiritual quest, and they devote time to discussing how rationalism and ―reductionism‖ have affected our appreciation of the balance between objectivism and subjectivism in relation to discernment and knowing. Basically their argument is that we are still recovering a balance from a primarily objective world view that has been overthrown by the counterculture subjectivity of the sixties. The task is now to produce a new synthesis of the two in our present pluralistic society. Third, it was helpful to have a book written with sensitivity toward spiritual issues. One of the goals of the editors of this work was to counter the tendency toward reductionism in analysis of spiritual groups and experiences. Materialistic viewpoints are simply inadequate to deal with spiritual issues, even when they have effects in the physical-psychological world. It is obvious that the writers have successfully brought their years of spiritual pilgrimage to this book. Those who are also involved in a spiritual search or pilgrimage will appreciate their sensitivity. Finally, the discussion concerning the role of authority in spiritual groups was comprehensive. The approaches were not only general and theoretical, but specific and practical. In the interviews, both Ram Dass and Claudio Naranjo talked about their misuse of authority. Werner Erhard‘s response to this issue is equally interesting, if less candid. Some of the essayists attempt to construct models of spiritual authority that have existed in various religious traditions for some time. There are specific treatments of authority issues such as sexual relations between master and disciple, testing of a master‘s claim to spiritual realization, and making distinctions between submission and subjection. For those concerned with abusive religious groups, this aspect may be the most relevant. In some respects Spiritual Choices is itself a psychospiritual supermarket. One can sample a variety of pathways that exist within the present religious milieu. The interviews and essays also offer a variety of viewpoints on the subject of the spiritual search. Yet the way one responds to the work as a whole depends on one‘s own assumptions. What is really the essence of spiritual transformation? In the closing interview at the end of the book, Jacob Needleman comments, ―Transformation means everything in man is transformed, is put into a new order, and for that, you have to be sensitive to the total environment of man, the inner as well as the outer.‖ What then, is the nature of the transformation one sees in the NRMS? St. Francis of Assisi, who is Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 106

mentioned as one of the authentic mystical figures in history, expressed his relationship to God in loving service to others. In contrast to this, much of what passes for spiritual life and growth in the context of this book never seems to go beyond an elevated form of narcissism, no matter how intricate and subtle it appears. Can one really transcend the ego without reaching beyond one‘s self? The answer to this question may have a lot to do with what one‘s real spiritual choices should be. Timothy Brauns, a former member of a ―totalist‖ spiritual group, is completing a master’s degree in theological studies at Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary. His area of concentration is New Testament studies, and he maintains an active interest in new religious movements. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 145-148. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Two Letters from Floyd McClung, Jr. Executive Director, International Operations Youth With A Mission 12 January 1988 A copy of the Cultic Studies Journal, volume 3, number 2, 1986, was sent to me with an article entitled, ―My Experience in YWAM — A Personal Encounter and a Critique of Cultic Manipulation,‖ by Laurie Jacobson. I read this article with great interest since I have been involved in the organization, Youth With A Mission, for twenty-two years and am at present its Executive Director. Enclosed you will find two books written by myself, one by the founder of our organization, and a pictorial journal about our organization. Also enclosed is our Statement of Purpose and the Lausanne Covenant, which is an international statement of faith and mission purpose put out by a widely recognized evangelical body called the ―Lausanne Committee‖. We are co-signers of the Lausanne Covenant. I have enclosed these documents to give you some idea of what I believe personally, and what our organization believes. I was quite concerned about the article as I believe it was unfair to us as an organization. I felt like we were tried in absentia and found guilty — without an opportunity to respond. I would have appreciated it if you would have contacted us first, before the article was printed, and allowed us to respond. I think that would have been a fair way to handle this situation. I have looked into the background of this situation with Miss Jacobson, and have found that some of the accusations she made against our organization in her particular situation were true; however, she did not give the full context as to what happened. In other words, I am not denying that there were problems in our relationship with Miss Jacobson, but I am saying that the article was extremely biased. It is slanderous and manipulative to be accused, tried, found guilty, and publicly condemned without an opportunity to hear, examine, and respond to the accusations brought against us. This is not consistent with the way we as Americans treat one another; we believe a person is innocent until proven guilty. It is certainly not consistent with the Judeo-Christian principles we, and I presume you also, seek to live by. There have been leaders in our organization who have been overzealous to help people, and because of that, there have been some excesses in their leadership styles. But this problem is being corrected. I assure you that there is no desire on our part to tolerate the abuse of people's conscience or their need to grow in their own decision-making abilities. We seek to encourage independent thinking and change, not to discourage it. In fact, whenever we have found problems of theological imbalance or overbearing authority, we have tried to deal with that forthrightly and lovingly. Enclosed you will find an article that I have written, that has been widely circulated, on the use and abuse of authority. This is one example of how we have responded to these problems in and outside of YWAM. In no way is this letter an attempt to present our organization as perfect or blameless, nor is it an attempt to respond in detail, point by point, to Miss Jacobson's article. It is simply to say that I felt the way you handled it was unfair. It did not present our organization with all of its good points, and it put our mistakes in a prejudiced and slanderous context. I would appreciate a retraction of the article or a public apology. Dealing with cults and the abusive way they treat Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 108

people is necessary, [but] doing so in a responsible manner is even more necessary. If it would be helpful, I can put you in touch with the director of the school Miss Jacobson attended. He is apologetic for the problems Miss Jacobson encountered, and has apologized to her.

8 April 1988 Thank you for your letter of 2nd February. I appreciate your prompt response. [Dr. Langone wrote Mr. McClung and explained that YWAM's director and founder, Loren Cunningham, had been contacted.] It was good to get to know more about the American Family Foundation, your editorial policies, and to receive the copy of the special issue [of the Cultic Studies Journal] that was done on evangelical organizations and their relationship to cultic manipulation. However, you still did not deal with one of my most basic concerns, which is your responsibility to pursue fairness in a much more thorough manner than you have demonstrated. I appreciate the fact that we are at fault for not answering your letter. I believe Mr. Cunningham was mistaken in not doing so, and I will be discussing this fact with him later to find out why. However, you printed an article from a young lady that basically branded us as a cult. Although she did acknowledge, as you pointed out, a few positive things about our organization, it was in a very damaging context. She compared us to the ―Moonies,‖ making extreme statements about our organization throughout. In my research on the matter, I felt like we had made serious mistakes in our relationship to Miss Jacobson. A thorough investigation by outsiders would come to the conclusion that though some of our leaders were offensive, hurtful, and unwise, Miss Jacobson was not blameless. To go into print, especially in a journal that is dealing with cults, manipulation, and other issues without doing a more thorough investigation I believe is irresponsible on your part. I believe you have a greater responsibility to be more thorough, ethical, and to assume innocence until you have proven otherwise. Furthermore, a copy of the article by Miss Jacobson was not sent to us before it was printed. I believe you owe us an apology for not doing so. You ask others to face their mistakes; I believe you must also do the same. I want to state that I am in favor of the existence of your organization. I often teach on the cults myself. All I am trying to say to you is that you need to be more thorough in the future. I remind you that your words live on in print and can be extremely damaging and misrepresentative. I feel our organization was tried and found guilty without a proper investigation or hearing. I believe you owe us an apology. I would appreciate it very much if you would print both my letters as a response to the article, with an apology for treating us the way you did. If you will not apologize, I would appreciate a statement in one of your following editions saying the fact was that there was only one letter written by your organization with no investigation of the charges made by Miss Jacobson. I would think that would show some editorial responsibility to those whose reputations and feelings you could be damaging. Again, thank you very much for hearing me out on this subject. As you can tell, I have strong feelings, but they are not directed toward you personally. As I have said, I feel that the need for your journal and your organization is unquestionable. Please continue your endeavors.

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Reply to Floyd McClung's Correspondence Michael D. Langone, Ph. D. Editor, Cultic Studies Journal I regret that our printing the Jacobson article so disturbed Mr. McClung. His concern seems to revolve around three issues: the right of simultaneous reply, the quality of the article, and respect. It is not the convention in either journalism or scholarly reports to submit, in advance of publication, a critical article to those criticized. Replies are almost always published in subsequent issues. Indeed, many scholarly journals do not even offer an opportunity for rebuttal, and even newspapers are very selective about printing rebuttals. Unlike most periodicals, the Cultic Studies Journal has printed all letters commenting on a published article, with minimal editing. Ms. Jacobson's article was published because we judged it to be intelligent, sensitive, illuminating, and balanced. It was an exceptional personal account, not a journalistic report. We have examined dozens of accounts by people formerly involved with a number of groups who feel they were subjected to unethical influence techniques. Ms. Jacobson's is one of the very few we have ever considered for publication. Furthermore, Ms. Jacobson's article had been carefully reviewed and recommended by CSJ Editorial Board member Ronald Enroth, Ph. D., a Professor of Sociology at Westmont College, an evangelical school. Professor Enroth, an expert on cults and aberrations within Christian groups, is familiar with YWAM, including the views of its leaders. Our intention in publishing the Jacobson article was not to brand Youth with a Mission (YWAM) a cult, but to provide another perspective on the themes developed in the CSJ special issue, ―Cults, Evangelicals, and the Ethics of Social Influence.‖ A major contention of that special issue was that undisciplined enthusiasm can lead well-intentioned persons into cultic ways of relating to others. Such cultic relationships can develop in any group — nonreligious as well as religious — and can become a serious problem if the group lacks effective accountability mechanisms to restore ethical behavior in its members. Mr. McClung has the integrity to acknowledge that ―some of our leaders were offensive, hurtful, and unwise.‖ Moreover, an article he has authored, ―Authority: Its Use and Abuse,‖ demonstrates that he is concerned about ethical issues and accountability. All, of this speaks well of YWAM as an organization. Because of the controversial nature of the CSJ's interest areas, the journal remains open to publishing letters and articles expressing all sides of an issue. Hence, we have published Mr. McClung's letters. The journal, however, also has an obligation to express the points of view of those who have been harmed by manipulative techniques of social influence, even when doing so may make some people uncomfortable. YWAM has certainly not been singled out in this regard. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 150-154. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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News and Notes Are You Aware That ... Cults + Students = Exploitation , was the title of the annual spring conference of the Interfaith Coalition of Concern About Cults of New York. The conference, which was held May 26th at City University of New York, was designed to educate and inform about the dangers that occur when an individual becomes involved in a destructive cult. T h e X X t h I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o n f e r e n c e f o r t h e S o c i o l o g y o f Religion (CISR) will take place in Helsinki From August 21-25 1989. The conference theme is ―The State, The Law and Religion;‖ plenary sessions will deal with ―Models of State Regulation of Religion,‖ ―Pluralism and Regulatory Bodies,‖ and ―Religion and the Media.‖ For information contact Roland J. Campiche, General Secretary, CISR, Terreaux 10, 1003 Lausanne, Switzerland. The Cult Awareness Network National Conference for 1988 will take place on October 2123 in Portland, Oregon. The program includes sessions on mental health, law enforcement and social service, the International Cult Education Program, religious issues, and Cult Awareness Network affiliate leadership. Full information will be available in August from CAN/Oregon, P. 0. Box 20997, Portland, Oregon 97220. Forums on “Hebrew Christianity” and “The New Age Movement, A Jewish Perspective,” were convened on May 4 and May 19 respectively by the Task Force on Missionaries and Cults of the Jewish Community Relations Council of New York, the Associated YMYWHAs of Greater New York, and the JCRC Young Leadership Network. The New Age Movement seminar considered the topics of meditation, holistic medicine, ―potential dangers of the New Age,‖ and ―Jewish Spirituality and the Jewish G-d Within.‖ For information write TFMC, 711 Third Avenue (12th Floor), New York, New York 10017. The Cult Awareness Network's Eastern Regional Conference took place March 18-20, 1988 hosted by the group's Washington, D. C. affiliate. The conference was highlighted by a Capitol Hill lobbying effort aimed to persuade members of Congress to sponsor House Joint Resolution 390 declaring November 13-19 as National Cult Awareness Week. The Division of Pyschotherapy of the American Psychological Association has issued a call for manuscripts for a Special Supplement of Psychotherapy on ―Psychotherapy and Religion‖ to be published in 1989. Guest editors for the supplement are Moshe H. Spero and David T. Bradford. For information write Donald K. Freedheim, Editor, Psychotherapy, Department of Psychology, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio 44106. The Winter 1988 Issue of National Forum: The Phi Kappa Phi Journal, will focus on the separation of church and state. The guest editor is Delos B. McKown, professor and head of the Department of Philosophy at Auburn University, and contributors include: Martin Marty of the University of Chicago, on tolerance and intolerance in American history: Dean M. Kelley of the National Council of Churches of Christ, on incidents in which religious freedom has recently been curbed; Kenneth S. Saladin, of Georgia College, on municipal church-state litigation and the issue of standing; and John M. Swomley, of St. Paul School of Theology (Kansas City), on the conflict over funding of education in religious schools. An Advanced Ritualistic Crime Seminar will be held on September 2224 in Richmond, Virginia. Sponsored by the American Federation of Police and Bothered About Dungeons and Dragons, Inc., the program will be presented by police officers experienced in the phenomenon in order to acquaint other law enforcement officials with ways to identify, understand, investigate, and educate about the problem. For information write: Pat Pulling, B.A.D.D., Inc., P. 0. Box 5513, Richmond, Virginia 23220; or Det. Bill Lightfoot, Richmond City Police, at (804) 780-8594. A Coercive Persuasion Conference sponsored by the Cult Awareness Network Illinois affiliate and the Continuing Education Services of the University of Wisconsin—Whitewater, took Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 111

place in Milwaukee April 22-23. The special guest speaker was Margaret Thaler Singer, Professor of Psychology at the University of California, Berkeley. The International Cult Education Program (ICEP) is a new joint program of the American Family Foundation (publisher of the Cultic Studies Journal) and the Cult Awareness Network. ICEP enrolls clergy and educators at all levels interested in helping to develop and propagate programs aimed to stimulate critical thinking in young people with a view to alerting them about cultism and forewarning them against destructive cult involvements. ICEP's newsletter is called Young People and Cults. For information write Marcia R. Rudin, Director, ICEP, P. 0. Box 1232, Gracie Station, New York, New York 10028, (212) 439-1550. A Cult Awareness Seminar for police was held by the Westchester County (NY) Detective Association on April 14, 1988 in Tarrytown, New York. Presentations by experts from several New York community agencies covered personal experiences in cults, individual and family counseling, legal questions for individuals, families, and law enforcement agents, and a slide presentation on Satanism by Cult Awareness Network security consultant Larry Zilliox. Today's Mind Field: Personal Growth or Mind Abuse? a 3-part lecture series was presented by Baltimore's Project Yedid, the Baltimore Jewish Family Services, and the Cult Awareness Network of Baltimore March 21, 28, and April 11, 1988. The lectures included: ―Psychological Influences: Ethics and Outrages,‖ by clinical psychologist Harold Goldstein, Ph. D.; ―Another Look at 2 Popular Growth Groups,‖ by Kevin Garvey, of Kevin Garvey and Associates, Carlisle, PA and Pat Ryan, former members of est (Erhard Seminars Training) and Transcendental Meditation (TM) respectively; and ―Making Your Way Through Today's Mind Field,‖ by Hillel Zeitlin, L.C.S.W., director of Project Yedid. For information contact Hillel Zeitlin, Project Yedid, 5700 Park Heights Avenue, Baltimore, MD 21215. Cults, Consciousness Movements and New Religious Conflicts was the title of a oneday seminar for counseling professionals, held on June 7, 1988 and led by Hillel Zeitlin, M. S. W., L. C. S. W., at the Jewish Community Center of Greater Baltimore. Major topics included: ―Secularity and the Spiritual Supermarket; The Role of Counseling; Counseling Approaches; and Positive Prevention. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 155-157. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

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Selected References Abels, D. H. (1986. Mind bondage: A qualitative analysis of cult conversion environments Dissertation Abstracts International, 47 (4-B), 1701. Aberbach, D. (1987). Grief and mysticism. International Review of Psycho-Analysis, 14(4), 509526. Adams, R., & Haaken, J. (1987). Anticultural culture - Lifespring ideology and its roots in humanistic psychology. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 27(4), 501-517. Areopagus (incorporating Update) (Fall 1987.) Aagaard, J. The double apostolate (part 1). 15. Book review of Darsan: Seeing the Divine Image in India, by D. Eck. 42. Book review of The Seduction of Christianity, by D. Hunt and T.A. McMahon. 42. Boysen, S. First steps: Meeting western youth in India. 8. Harbakk, E. The Tao-wind mountain. 12. Kreutter, S. Searching for love: Spiritual seekers in India. 33. Levine, E., & Shaiova, C. Religious cult leaders as authoritarian personalities. 19. Ma, G.,& Kreutter, S. Fishers of men? The Children of God in Macau. 49. Pelphrey, B. Notes from a travel diary. 35. Raguin, Y. Buddhism: Origins and evolution. 38. Rogers, M. One bamboo hermitage (Tao Fong Shan, Hong Kong). 46. Areopagus (Winter 1987.) Aagaard, J. How Tibetan Buddhism became a world religion. 16. Aagaard, J. Reviewing the missionary calling (The double apostolate, part 2). 13. Arendt, N.H. A response to Wesley Ariarajah's The Bible and Other Faiths. 40. Dammeyer, J. In a Tibetan monastery. 26. Harbakk, E. On the pilgrm's road to Lhasa. 6. Mignot, E. Including a report on CARP. 47. Molsted, B., & Mathiesen, A.-M. Christmas at Chung King Mansion. 26. Pandit, M.L., & Shukla, B.K. Preliminary report from DCI, New Delhi and Bombay. 6. Pelphrey, B. Cho-yang, ―The voice of Tibetan religion and culture.‖ 40. Pelphrey, B. The Community of the Transfiguration (Roslin, Scotland). 52. Pelphrey, B. Notes from a travel diary. 26. Raguin, Y. The eight-fold path and the problem of impermanence. 35. Sy, C.F. At the rooftop of the world: A look at Tibetan lamaism. 16. Walls, R. Experiencing ultimate reality. With a response by V.A-Sumedho. 55. Barker, E. (1986). Religious movements: Cult and anticult since Jonestown. Annual Review of Sociology, 12, 329-346. Reviews studies of new religious movements and their critics since the 1978 Peoples Temple massacre at Jonestown, Guyana. Contends differences between these movements are often greater than generally recognized, and advance of theoretical knowledge will depend on more detailed investigation of cults that fail as well as those that succeed. Barker, J. (1987). Cult controversies — The societal response to the new religious movements. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 16(2), 232-237. Bartz, Wayne. Book review of How to Think Straight About Psychology, by Keith E. Stanovich. Benderly, B.L. (1988). Book review of The Golden Guru—The Strange Journey of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh by J.S. Gordon. Psychology Today, 22(2), 68. Bjorling, J. (1987). The Churches of God, Seventh Day: A Bibliography. New York: Garland Publishing Inc. Bleick, C.R., & Abrams, A.I. (1987). The Transcendental Meditation program and criminal recidivism in California. Journal of Criminal Justice, 15(3), 211230. Blow, R. (1988). The moral and spiritual emptiness of the new age — moronic convergence. New Republic, 198(4), 24. Caird, D. (1987). Religiosity and personality: Are mystics introverted, neurotic, or psychotic? British Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 113

Journal of Social Psychology, Dec. 26(Pt. 4), 345-346. Hood's M scale, which measures reported mystical experience, and the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire, which measures introversion/extraversion, neuroticism, psychoticism, and a lie score, were completed by 115 subjects. Findings indicate no significant correlations between mysticism and EPQ scales. Mysticism could not be predicted by multiple regression, either by EPQ scales with sex and age or controlling for sex and age. Cole, S. (1986). Soviet family clubs and the Russian human potential movement. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 26(4), 48-83. Discusses human potential movement (HPM) among urban middle class in USSR, particularly family clubs. Although concerns and activities of these Soviet families grow out of experiences as Soviet citizens, parallels with human potential movement in US are noted. Suggests that family club movement is encouraged by Soviet press and government, which has also encouraged relations with HPM representatives in US. Discusses Soviet psychology and culture in terms of this movement. Cult Observer (July/August 1987). News summaries.* Mother and Daughter Win $1.3 Million Award Against Krishnas. From the Boston Herald, June 17, 1987, p.14, and the Boston Phoenix, August 14, 1987, Section 2, p.1. Assault Suit Against Brother Julius and ―The Work‖ Settled Out of Court. From the CHILD Newsletter, Spring 1987. Christ Family Leader Lightning Amen Sentenced to Prison on Drug Conviction. From the Riverside County, CA, Press-Enterprise, August 5, 1987. Scientologists Try to Block Hubbard Biography. From the New York Post, August 4, 1987, and Publishers Weekly, August 1987. Lyndon LaRouche Strikes Back. From the Washington Times, June 18, 1987, p.A9. Socialite Who Gave $122,000 to Sect Declared Sane. From the San Antonio Light, April 16, 1987, p.A1, and April 18, 1987, p.A1. Ohio Legislators at CAUSA Conference. From the Daily Oklahoman, April 9, 1987. Head of Tax-shelter Church Sent to Prison. From the Albany, OR, Democrat Herald, June 2, 1987, p.7. Judge Strikes Down Faith Healing Statute. From the Chicago Tribune, April 29, 1987, Section 1, p.4. Jehovah's Witnesses' Practice of Shunning Upheld. From the New York Times, June 15, 1987, p. A14. Nine Black Hebrews' Convictions Overturned. From the Washington Post, July 8, 1987, p.C1. Lt. Col. North Linked to Moon Organizations. From the San Francisco Examiner, July 20, 1987, p.A-4. Missing Children Found with Children of God. From the St. Louis Post- Dispatch, May 19, 1987, p.1. Sri Chinmoy Follower Tries to Set Record. From the Washington Times, July 17, 1987. Magician Plans to Build TM Theme Park. From the Boston Herald, June 17, 1987, p.3. LaRouche Group Forfeits Farm. From the Loudoun Times-Mirror, May 7, 1987, p.A5. Tax Laws Do Not Define What Constitutes a ―Church.‖ From the Jonesboro, AR, Sun, June 20, 1987, p. 6, and the Odessa, TX, American, June 20, 1987. Group of Orthodox Nuns Called a ―Cult‖ by Many. From the National Catholic Reporter, May 29, 1987, p.1. ―TM-EX‖ is Founded to Aid Former Transcendental Meditation Practitioners. From the Washington Post, July 2, 1987, p.C3. LaRouche Lawyers Try to Block Virginia Securities Fraud Indictments. From the Loudoun TimesMirror, June 25, 1987, p.Al. Signatures on LaRouche Petition Questioned. From the Loudoun Times- Mirror, June 18, 1987, p.A8. High Court Ruling Boosts Airport Religious Solicitation; Issue Said to be Still ―Undecided.‖ From the St. Petersburg Times, June 24, 1987, p.21A. CUT Settling Uneasily into New Headquarters in Montana. From the Bozeman (MT) Daily Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 114

Chronicle, May 17, 1987; May 19, 1987; and June 4, 1987. Abductions Rekindle Controversy Over Deprogramming. The Denver Post, June 7, 1987, p.1-B. Leader Broussard: Ecclesia Not a Cult. From the Sun, June 28, 1987, and the Albany (OR) Democrat-Herald, June 24, 1987. Deprogramming Attempt Ends in Arrest of Two. From the Rocky Mountain News, June 5, 1987, and the Kansas City Times, June 4, 1987, p.A-1. Followers of Brother Julius Run Construction-related Businesses. From the Hartford Courant, June 5, 1987. New York Town Cuts Siddha Yoga's Tax Exemptions. From the South Fallsburg, NY, Times Herald Record, June 9, 1987, p. 5. ―Guided Imagery‖ Is Challenged as Religion. From the Spokane, WA, Spokesman-Review, June 12, 1987, p.1. Racist Cosmotheist Community Church Establishes Base in West Virginia. From the Philadelphia Inquirer, June 21, 1987. Hare Krishnas Sued by Baseball Teams and Creator of ―Peanuts.‖ From the Seattle Times, June 11, 1987. Methodist Minister/Scholar Defends Hare Krishnas. From the St. Petersburg Times, June 20, 1987. Moon Fundraiser Spotted in Leesburg, VA. From the Loudoun Times- Mirror, June 18, 1987, p.A7. Court Upholds Judgment Against Rajneesh. From the Spokane, WA, Spokesman-Review, May 28, 1987, p.B6. Ex-Rajneesh Mayor's Marriage Annulled. From the Spokane, WA, Spokesman-Review, May 29, 1987, p.24. Rajneesh Aide Released. From the LaGrande, OR, Observer, June 19, 1987. Two Charged in Raid on ―Healing‖ Operation. From the Sacramento Bee, June 16, 1987. Inner Peace Movement Seminar in Virginia. From the Loudoun Times- Mirror, June 11, 1987, p. A17. Shirley MacLaine Washes Out. From the Spokane, WA, Spokesman- Review, June 17, 1987. Navy Group Does TM. From the Navy Times, May 18, 1987. Santeria Church to Open Despite Hostility from Community. From the St. Petersburg Times, June 11, 1987, p.2B. Former Candidate Backs Lyndon LaRouche. From the Loudoun Times- Mirror, June 4, 1987, p.A14. The Glazer-Ta'asa Report: Cults a Danger to Israel. From the Jerusalem Post, April 30, 1987. Cult Observer (September/October 1987). News summaries. Scientology Hasn't Changed, Says Author of Hubbard Bio. From the St. Petersburg Times, September 13, 1987. Fast-growing Boston Church of Christ Called a ―Cult.‖ From the Middlesex News (MA), June 28, 1987, p.1. Scientology Threatens Newspaper. From the St. Petersburg Times, September 13, 1987. Scientology Theories Employed in Schools. From the Clearwater Sun, September 3, 1987, p.9A. Bakker, Hart...now Gilroy. From Our Town (New York City), July 5, 1987, p.1 cites TM ―Hidden Agenda.‖ From Welcomat (Philadelphia, PA), July 29, 1987. Way Growing in New Jersey. From the Asbury Park Press, August 16, 1987, p.A1. Baltimore CAN Affiliate Offers Program on The Bible Speaks. Cult Observer Report, August 7, 1987. Way Leader ―Amazed‖ Bible Reading Rejected. From the Omaha World-Herald, May 23, 1987. CARP Recruiters Blitz New Jersey Resorts. From the Sunday Press (Atlantic City, NJ), August 23, 1987 and August 31, 1987; and the Sandpaper (Ocean City, NJ), September 3, 1987. Arrest of Tridentine Leader Dramatizes Sect's Rift. From the San Jose Mercury News, May 18, Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 115

1987, p.8B. Another Bishop Leaves Tridentine ―Cult.‖ From the Spokesman-Review Spokane Chronicle, January 11, 1987, p.l. Some Regret Bible Speaks' Leaving. From the Boston Globe, August 10, 1987, p.l. Rancho Rajneesh Still Deserted. From the Minneapolis Star and Tribune, August 16, 1987. Some Merchants Welcome Scientology. From the Times (Clearwater-St. Petersburg, FL), July 26, 1987, p.l. NSA Acknowledges Probe of LaRouche. From the Loudoun Times-Mirror, August 6, 1987, p.A11. LaRouche Guards Denied Weapons. From the Loudoun Times-Mirror, September 3, 1987, p.A14. Indictment of ―Deprogrammer‖ Likely. From the Omaha World-Herald, July 15, 1987. ―Cult's Abuse of Members Also a Kind of Kidnapping.‖ From the Omaha World-Herald, June 5, 1987. Sheela Defiant in Jail. From the New York Post, September 5, 1987. MacLaine's ―Guide‖ Pleads Guilty to Sex Charges. From the Minneapolis Star and Tribune, August 20, 1987, p.12M. Hare Krishna Airport Solicitor Sues Police. From the St. Petersburg Times, August 18, 1987, p.2B. Middle-aged and Elderly Most Vulnerable, Says Ladies Home Journal Story on Cults. From the Ladies' Home Journal, August 1987, p.47. New Age Programs Bolster Some, Bedevil Others. From the Milwaukee Journal, July 26, 1987. Arizona Governor Mecham Defends CAUSA. From the Arizona Republic, October 5, 1986, p.A1. Airplane Game New Age Pyramid Scam. From the Boston Globe, August 31, 1987, p.15. Award in Krishna Case Debated. From the Patriot Ledger (Quincy, MA), June 20, 1987. Depression Guru Calls Marga Leader ―Best Friend.‖ From the New York Times, August 30, 1987. Insider Unravels the Mystery of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh. From the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, June 11, 1987. Author Finds Inspiration and Disappointment in Rajneesh. From the New York Times Book Review, September 13, 1987, p.15. 33 Korean Cult Followers Dead. From the Boston Globe, August 30, 1987, p.2. Hare Krishnas in Moscow Warned. From the Washington Post, August 19, 1987, p.F1. British Charity Commissioners' Report. From the Independent (Gr. Britain), May 8, 1987. Update on Cult Activity in Great Britain. From the FAIR News (London), April 1987. Cult Observer (November/December 1987). News summaries. Scientology ―Murder‖ Probe Plagues Author of Expose'. From the Sunday Times (London), October 25, 1987, p.3. Leader of Satanist ―Temple of Set‖ is a Suspect in Molestations on Army Base. From the San Francisco Chronicle, October 30, 1987, p.1, and Newsweek, November 16, 1987, p.73. Scientology's ―Campaign of Harassment.‖ From the Sunday Times (London), October 18, 1987, p.7. Appeal Court Reinstates Suit Against Grace Community Church. From the Los Angeles Times, September 17, 1987, Part II/p.l. Scientologists Help Organize Protest Against Decision. From the Los Angeles Times, October 27, 1987, p.3. Center for Feeling Therapy Psychologists Lose Licenses. From the Los Angeles Times, September 29, 1987, p.1. Cult Awareness Network Conference Held in Pittsburgh. Cult Observer Report, November 1987. Dovydenas Is Top Bidder for Bible Speaks Estate. From the Boston Globe, November 4, 1987. Pacific Bell Discontinues Controversial ―Krone‖ Training. From the San Francisco Chronicle, October 30, 1987, p.1. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 116

Colonic Therapy Can Be Dangerous. From the Badlands Banner (Santa Fe, NM), October 2-15, 1987. CAN Participants‘ Comment on Cults. From the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, October 31, 1987, p.7-B. Enrollment in Way College Plummets. From the Emporia (KS) Gazette, September 15, 1987. National Legal Seminar: ―Cults and the Law.‖ Cult Observer Report, November 16, 1987. Suit Against Scientology Hits Snag. From the Los Angeles Times, September 29, 1987, Part II/p.8. Fundamentalists Anonymous Forms Legal Task Force. From The Networker, Fall 1987. Hare Krishna Leader Indicted for Arson. From the New York Times, September 18, 1987. Witness Describes Satan Cult Murder. From the Daily Review, August 20, 1987. Children's Testimony of Satanic Abuse ―Derailing‖ Molestation Cases. From the Press Democrat, September 7, 1987, p.B3. ―Understanding Satanic Cults‖ Seminar. From the Scranton Tribune, October 23, 1987, p.1. 2nd Billionaire Boys Club Trial Begins. From the New York Times, September 22, 1987, p.9. Hare Krishna's Murder Conviction Appealed. From The Intelligencer (Wheeling, WV), August 29, 1987. Idaho Auto Dealer Sues Rajneeshees. From the Spokesman-Review (Spokane, WA), August 21, 1987. Malpractice Claim Dismissed Again. From the Religious Freedom Reporter, September/October, 1987, p.684. ―Ex-Devotee‖ Fired By Krishnas. From the News-Register (Wheeling, WV), August 11, 1987. Leader of Good Shepherd Tabernacle Convicted of Mistreatment. From The Oregonian, September 4, 1987, p.B3. Ohio Religious Exemption Ruled Unconstitutional. From the Religious Freedom Reporter, September/October 1987, p.662. Scientology Plea for Injunction Refused. From the Religious Freedom Reporter, September/October 1987, p.707. Officials Skeptical of Krishnas' Plans for ―Spiritual City.‖ From The Intelligencer (Wheeling, WV), August 18, 1987. Virginia School Promotes Child Dianetics. Cult Observer Report, November 1987. Montana Candidate Takes Moon Tour of Orient. From the Billings Gazette, September 21, 1987. Lifespring Tops List of Information Requests. From the Spiritual Coutnerfeits Project Newsletter, Vol. 12, No. 3, 1987. Three Arrested in Florida Magazine Scam. From the St. Petersburg Times, October 16, 1987. Two Views of Rajneeshism. Book review by John Hochman, M.D., UCLA. Jehovah's Witnesses Told To Break Confidentiality. From the Los Angeles Times, August 17, 1987, p.3. New Book Examines Cults and Persuasion. Cult Observer Report, November 1987. West Coast U.C. Members Shun Centers. From Religion Watch, October 1987, p.2. Phillippine Vigilantes May Be Circulating Alamo Foundation Leaflets. From the Los Angeles Times, October 11, 1987. New Age Books Sales Increasing. From Religion Watch, November 1987, p.3. Unification Church To Set Up Ballet Company. From the Washington Post, October 5, 1987, p.B7. British Hare Krishna Center May Face Closure. From the Guardian (Manchester, England), July 8, 1987, p.2. CAUSA-backed Filmmakers Killed in Afghanistan. From the Wisconsin State Journal, October 28, 1987. Cult Observer (January/February 1988). News summaries. Scientology-linked Detective Shoots at British Journalists. From the Sunday Times [London], November 8, 1987. National Legal Seminar III: ―Cults and the Law.‖ Cult Observer Report, January 1988. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 117

Group Meets to Discuss ―Threat of Clergy Malpractice Suits.‖ From the Christian Science Monitor, October 29, 1987, p.l. Former LaRouche Aide Convicted. From the Boston Globe, December 11, 1987, p.38, and November 17, 1987, p.67. LaRouche Trial Has ―Something for Everyone.‖ From the Boston Globe, December 14, 1987, p.25. LaRouche Denies Fraud Scheme. From the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel, September 23, 1987, p.6A. Faith Assembly Couple Sentenced to Two Years. From the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel, November 17, 1987. Convictions May Be Saving Lives. From the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel, November 17, 1987. Two Neo-Nazis Convicted in Slaying. From the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel, November 18, 1987, p.4A. Chicago Woman Tries to Recover Children from Alamo Foundation. From the Chicago SunTimes, October 13, 1987. Krishna Leader Cleared of Arson Charge; Follower Guilty. From the Boston Globe, December 16, 1987. Way Regains Tax Exemption. From the Emporia Gazette [Kansas], October 14, 1987. Deprogrammer's Libel Award Is Upheld. The Associated Press. Evangel Temple Must Provide Financial Records. From the Washington Post, November 9, 1987, p.D5. Scientology-linked Group Attacks Ritalin. From the Minneapolis Star Tribune, October 4, 1987. Various Sites Proposed for Hare Krishnas' ―City of God.‖ From the Tribune [Mesa, AZ], November 22, 1987, and the New York Post, November 14, 1987, p.4. Moon's ―Unity Conferences.‖ From the Sunday Register [Des Moines, IA], August 16, 1987, p.1B. Candidate Defends Media Conference. From the Billings Gazette, October 7, 1987, p.1. Rep. Smith Cancels Moon-Sponsored Trip. From the Statesman-Journal [Salem, OR], September 15, 1987, p.3C. Editor Criticizes Legislator Smith's Proposed Trip at Moon's Expense. From the StatesmanJournal, September 12, 1987. New Jersey Man Leaves U.C. From The Sandpaper [Ocean City, NJ], November 6, 1987, p.8. ―National Cult Awareness Week‖ Proposed for November 1988. Cult Observer Report, November 1987. Unification Church Defectors Report Mass Relocation to Korea. From The Sandpaper, October 23, 1987, p.9. Meeting Seeks Answers to Cult Recruitment. From The Sandpaper, November 6, 1987, p.8. Arizona Officials Concerned About Heavy-metal Music and Satanism. From the Mesa [AZ} Tribune, November 16, 1987. U.C.-linked Estate on Historic Register. From the Loudoun Times-Mirror, November 12, 1987, p.A3. Aryan Nations Talk Show Off the Air in Utah. From the Boston Globe, December 16, 1987. Lifespring's Growth Called ―Phenomenal.‖ From the Washington Post Magazine, October 25, 1987. ―Lifespringers‖ Defend the Training. From the Washington Post, November 17, 1987, p.A26. ―Cracking the Riddle of the Cults‖ - Conway and Siegelman Address Cult Awareness Conference. Cult Observer Report, November 1987. Publisher's Ads Hit Hard at Scientology. From the Boston Phoenix,November 27, 1987, p.17. International Congress on Cults Convenes Resolution on Cults. Cult Observer Report, December 1, 1987. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 118

Barcelona Resolution on Cults. New British Organization Promises ―Value-Free‖ Cult Information and Counseling. From The Guardian [London], September 9, 1987. Hare Krishna Devoteees Arrested in Moscow. From the Los Angeles Times, August 30, 1987. Cult Observer (March/April 1988]. News summaries. Fraud and Deception Award to Heiress Upheld by Federal Judge. From The Berkshire Eagle [Pittsfield, MA], January 26, 1988. Bible Speaks Property Bought by Winner of Case Against Church. From the Boston Globe, March 8, 1988. Chiropractors Consulting Scientology-linked Firm. From the St. Petersburg Times, November 29, 1987. Alamo Foundation Returns to California. From the Los Angeles Times, December 13, 1987, p.1. Moonies' Boardwalk Recruits Returning Home. From The Sun [Ocean City, NJ], January 20, 1988, p.1. ―The Way‖ Reported Faltering. From Christianity Today, February 19, 1988, p.44. Workers Say Farmers Market Discriminates Through Forced Participation in ―Forum‖ Course. From the Atlanta Journal/Atlanta Constitution, December 19, 1987,p.1-B. Scientology Blamed in Suicide. From the Los Angeles Times, November 26, 1987. Heiress Wins Suit Against Rolfing Guru. From the Philadelphia Inquirer, December 5, 1987, p.4B. Court Says DuPont Smith Vicitim of ―Designing Persons.‖ From the Loudoun Times-Mirror, February 4, 1988, p.A11. Dupont Smith Charges Trustees Lost Millions. From EIR News for Loudoun County, November 16, 1987, p.8. Scientology Denied Tax Records. The Buffalo News, November 10, 1987, p.A-6. Florida Scientologists Fil Annual Tax Suit. From the St. Petersburg Times, December 3, 1987. LaRouche Supporter Arrested in California. From the San Bernadino Sun, February 7, 1988, p.B8. Faith Assembly Suit Settled Out of Court. From the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel, November 21, 1987. Ex-members of ―Fellowship‖ Sect Sue Leader. From the Pittsburgh Press, March 6, 1988, p.Al. Five El Rukns Members are Convicted. From Time, December 7, 1987. Church Likely to be Found in Violation of Child Labor Laws. From the Viginian-Pilot, January 25, 1988, p.DS. 9 Black Hebrews Get Suspended Sentences. From the Washington Post, January 21, 1988, p.C3. Judge Wins Faith Assembly Couple's Promise to Provide Medical Care for Surviving Children. From the CHILD Newsletter, Fall 1987. Pastor Allegedly Practices Systematic Beating. From the CHILD Newsletter, Fall 1987. Couple Accused in Child's Death May Have Belonged to Shoresh Yishai Cult. From the New York Post, December 2, 1987, p.14. Pediatricians Urge Exemption Repeal. From Pediatrics, January 6, 1988. ―Those Deceptive Maranathas‖ at South Florida U. From the University of South Flordia Oracle, January 19, 1988. Hare Krishna Solicitors Arrested for Trespassing. From The Daily Pennsylvanian, January 25, 1988. Pennsylvania Residents Oppose Krishnas' Park Purchase. From the Wilkes- Barre Times, February 4, 1988, p.IA. Murders, Ritual Sites Linked to Satanism. From the NewYork Post, January 11, 1988, p.1, and the Scrantonian Tribune [PA], December 11, 1987, and December 12, 1987, p.3. LaRouche Supporters Misleading Donors. From the Virginian-Pilot, January 15, 1988, p.D1. Watchdog Group Opposes CUT Expansion. From the Bozeman Daily Chronicle [MT], November 1, 1987, and the Spokesman-Review [Livingston, MT], December 24, 1987, p.A7. Town Rejects Proposal by Firm Linked to ―Brother Julius.‖ From the Hartford Courant, Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 119

January 28, 1988. Petition Charges Hare Krishnas with Abuse. From the Washington Times, March 3, 1988, p.A7. Suggests Pulitzer for Hartford Courant. From a report by Dr. Wallace Winchell, Cult Awareness Network, Connecticut Affiliate, March 1987. Critics Link Quest Dental Course to The Forum. From the Brampton Times [Ontario, Canada], November 30-December 2, 1987. Insight Seminars = MSIA = ―messiah.‖ From the Sun Chronicle [Attleboro, MA], December 18, 1987, p.1. Shirley MacLaine Plans Spiritualist Community. From Cornerstone, Vol. 16, Issu e 84, p.32. Moon Steps Up Efforts to Influence New Right. From the Philadephia Inquirer, December 20, 1987, p.1-A. Activist Helps Gain Law to Protect Against Counselor Abuse. From the Seattle PostIntelligencer, September 11, 1987. Unification Church is Growing in Brazil. From a report by Paul Carden, General Director, Instituto Cristao de Pesquisas, Sao Paulo, Brazil, December 3, 1987. Scientologists Accuse Montreal's B'nai B'rith ―Cult Project‖ of Aiding Kidnappers. From the Sunday Herald [Canada], January 3, 1988. Survey Finds 500,000 Cult Members in Germany. From the FAIR NEWS [U.K.], January 1988. Books Laud Rajneesh. From the FAIR NEWS, January 1988. COG Active in Britain. From the FAIR NEWS, January 1988. Krishna Murder. From the FAIR NEWS, January 1988. Government Ends Attempt to Revoke Unification Church Charitable Status. From the Washington Times, Februrary 10, 1988, p.A11. Cushman, P. (1987). The politics of transformation: Recruitment-indoctrination processes in a mass marathon psychology organization. Dissertation Abstracts International, 47(9-B), 4006-4007. Diamant, A. (1987). Book review of Industrial-relations in a New Age by C. Kerr and P.D. Staudohar. Business Horizons, 30(5), 84-85. Dillbeck, M.C., Assimakis, PD., Raimondi, D., Orme-Johnson, D.W. et al. (1986). Longitudinal effects of the Transcendental and TM-Sidhi progam on cognitive ability and cognitive style. Perceptual & Motor Skills, 62(3), 731738. Culture Fair Intelligence Test and Group Embedded Figures Test were administered to college students practicing Transcendental Meditation (TM) and TM-Sidhi program. Measures indicated significant longitudinal increases over a period of 3-5 years. Results indicate that these practices contribute to an increase in cognitive ability and style. Dillbeck, M.C., & Orme-Johnson, D.W. (1987). Physiological differences between Transcendental Meditation and rest. American Psychologist, 42(9), 879-881. Investigated points raised by D.S. Holmes and E.M. Morrell on effect of meditation on reduction of somatic arousal. Results show reduced somatic arousal during Transcendental Meditation compared with rest, but other physiological changes indicating increased alertness are also present. Difference may be assessed by looking at adaptive efficiency of physiological processes rather than reduction of somatic arousal during stress. Dobbins, J.C. (1988). Kurozumikyo and the new religions of Japan. Journal of Asian Studies, 47(1), 141-142. Fauteux, K. (1987). Seeking enlightenment in the east: Self-fulfillment or regressive longing? Journal of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis, 15(2), 223-246. Examines factors motivating Westerners who become Buddhist monks, who were interviewed in Asian monasteries. Raises issues of healthy self with regard to autonomy, self-assertion, responsibility, and intimacy, and whether Buddhism functions as means of confronting and resolving unconscious needs or as an escape mechanism. Proposes that subjects who went East in search of enlightenment were searching for self- actualization and experiential awareness, and were more highly motivatedind had stronger egos than those who joined cults. Frappier, J. (1988). Leninism as cult. Socialist Review, 18(1), 163. Gordon, J.S. (1987). The Golden Guru: The Strange Journey of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh. New York: Stephen Greene (Viking). Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 120

Greening, T. (1986). Passion bearers and peace psychology. 93 Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association: The concept of human potential in the US and the USSR. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 26(4), 98-105. Suggests establishment of ―passionate‖ psychology to develop and advocate ways of actualizing human potential for peace by combining current work in US and USSR on human potential. Discusses examples of new ways to facilitate transcendence of US-USSR antagonism and ―ideological addictions.‖ Suggests the cultures share a pragmatic tradition. Halperin, D. (1987). The self-help group: The mental health professional's role. Group, 11(1), 47-53. Self-help groups are increasingly important vehicles for provision of mental health services to otherwise therapeutically disenfranchised populations. Role of the mental health professional in organizing such groups and in facilitating goal fulfillment is discussed, with detailed examination of transference, countertransference, and group dynamic issues. Illustrated with specific reference to a self-help group for parents of cult members. Halvorson, P.L., & Newman, W.M. (1988). Atlas of Religious Change in America. Atlanta, GA: Glenmary Research Center. Hemry, M.A. (1988). New age nursing. American Journal of Nursing, 88(3), 418. Hyman, Ray. Book review of A Field Guide to Inductive Arguments, by K.D. Moore. Jacobson, L. (1986). Experience in YWAM: A personal account and critique of cultic manipulation. Cultic Studies Journal, 3(2), 204-233. Compares training in Youth With A Mission (YWAM) to involvement in religious cults. Claims YWAM training and underlying philosophy are similar to those of cultic groups, common features including manipulation of fear and guilt, authoritarianism, denigration of critical thinking, social exclusiveness, suppression of individuality. Training also relied on leader's special interpretation of Bible to inculcate attitudes and obtain conformity. Concludes that although YWAM hopes to create utopia, result is loss of freedom. Jedrczak, A., Beresford, M., & Clements, G. (1985). Sicihi program, pure consciousness, creativity and intelligence. Journal of Creative Behavior, 19(4), 270-275. Investigation of relationship between the length of practice of Transcendental Meditation (TM), based on TM-Sidhi program and the scores on psychological variables, including measures of creativity and intelligence. 152 subjects, ages 20-79, experienced in TM-Sidhi program assessed during residence course. Instruments included the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS). Results suggest that TM-Sidhi program's effect on creativity and intelligence is independent of the practice of TM. Keiser, T.W., & Keiser, J.L. (1987). The Anatomy of Illusion: Religious Cults and Destructive Persuasion. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. Discusses cult recruitment, deprogramming, brain damage and conversion, strategies of destructive persuasion, belief and attitude change, religion, illusion, controversy, and legal issues. Asks the question: Are cults harmless expressions of religious pluralism or do they represent a threat to traditional values? Kesterson, J.B. (1987). Changes in respiratory patterns and control during the practice of Transcendental Meditation technique. Dissertation Abstracts International, 47(10-B), 43374338. Kolb, Lawrence C., M.D. (1987). A neuropsychological hypothesis explaining posttraumatic stress disorders. American Journal of Psychiatry, 144(8), 989- 995. Report of findings from recent psychophysiological and biochemical research on Vietnam combat veterans suffering from chronic posttraumatic stress disorder. Author applies data and, using analogy of known functional and structural defects in peripheral sensory system consequent to high-intensity stimulation, hypothesizes that cortical neuronal and synaptic changes occur in posttraumatic stress disorder as consequences of excessive and prolonged sensory stimulation leading to depression of habituating learning. Postulates that ―constant‖ symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder are due to changes in agonistic neuronal system which impair cortical control of hindbrain structures concerned with aggressive expression and sleep-dream cycle. Krippner, S. (1986). Hidden reserves and human potentials: Soviet and American perspectives. International Journal of Psychosomatics, 33(4), 34-39. Discussion of Soviet and American Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 121

theories and research related to biological, psychological, and social capacities — called ―hidden human reserves‖ in USSR and ―human potential‖ in US — which allow individuals to engage in personally and culturally valuable behavior. These capacities were investigated in association with concepts of imagery, self-regulation, hypnosis, accelerated learning, creativity, and imagination. Krippner, S. (1985). Soviet and American perspectives on hidden reserves and human potentials. 93rd Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association: The concept of human potential in the Us and the USSR. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 26(4), 84-97. Examines biological, psychological, and social capacities — called ―hidden human reserves‖ in USSR and ―human potential‖ in US — which allow individuals to engage in valuable behavior. Investigated in association with concepts of imagery, self-regulation, hypnosis, accelerated learning, creativity, and imagination. Biological predisposition, cultural background, and life experience said to combine to produce capacity for development. Discusses practical applications for healing, sports, language learning, creative problem solving, and psychotherapy. Lalich, J. (1988). Leninism as cult. Socialist Review, 18(1), 163-164. Landsborough, D. (1987). St. Paul and temporal lobe epilepsy. Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery & Psychiatry, 50(6), 659-664. Suggests a neurological origin for the visions of St. Paul, and discusses his physical state at the time of the ecstatic experiences that led to his conversion. Postulates that both were manifestations of temporal lobe epilepsy, with occasional grand mal attacks accounting for his ―thorn in the flesh.‖ Langone, M.D. (1986). Cultism and American culture. Cultic Studies Journal, 3(2), 157-172. Contends that American culture rests on 6 fundamental values, and that cults, with their subjective/magical philosophy, conflict with wider culture and tend to reject those values, generating outrage. Situation challenges open culture as to how to protect itself against influence of cults without becoming repressive. Concludes that successfully meeting challenge necessitates cultural revitalization that recognizes need to conserve as well as change. Lenfestey, J.P. (1988). A new age perspective. New Republic, 198(9), 6. Levin, J.S., & Coreil, J. (1986). ―New age‖ healing in the U.S. Social Science & Medicine, 23(9), 889-897. Provides conceptual overview of ―New Age‖ and its healing concepts. Defines New Age and discusses medical, spiritual, and sociological developments responsible for rise of New Age healing in U.S. Typology of New Age healing was inductively generated from source materials on 81 healing systems. Found three general modes: mental or physical self- betterment, esoteric teachings, and contemplative practice. Lieberman, M.A. (1987). Effects of large group awareness training on participants' psychiatric status. American Journal of Psychiatry, 144(4), 460464. Studies evaluated impact of group awareness training (GAT) on psychiatric status. Participants in Lifespring and another GAT course were studied via observation, rating scales, and peer-nomination procedure. Findings do not show that programs were risky, even when subjects with previous pathology were considered. Negative effects in initial study were not viewed as causing psychiatric casualties. Loewenthal, K. (1986). Factors affecting religious commitment. Journal of Social Psychology, 126(1), 121-123. Religious commitment of 70 undergraduates previously classified as religious and nonreligious was analyzed. Results show that subjects explained religiosity in relation to purpose, security, and upbringing. Nonreligious preferred explanations such as brainwashing, unquestioning attitude, need for security, while religious preferred explanations involving inspirational experience. Lundergaard, K.A. (1986). Hare Krishna community: Personality and life-style differences between the male and female members. Dissertation Abstracts International, 47(3-B), 1329-1330. Martin, F.H. (Buddy) (1987). Multiplying Ministries. Houston: Memorial Church of Christ. Matheson, G. (1986). Hypnotic aspects of spiritual experience. Pastoral Psychology, 35(2), 104119. Hypnosis is presented as a concept, process, and perspective from which to view spiritual experiences, which are seen as internally based events noticeably similar to the characteristics of self- hypnosis. Biblical accounts, mysticism, contemplation, and the Jungian collective unconscious are considered. Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 122

Miller, J.S. (1986). The utilization of hypnotic techniques in religious cult conversion. Cultic Studies Journal, 3(2), 243-250. Claims that indirect suggestive techniques described by therapist M.H. Erickson (1954) consist of implications, metaphors, and nonverbal communications that resemble the indoctrination techniques reported in some religious group conversion procedures. The methods of expectation, pacing and leading, positive transference, indirect suggestion, the ―yes set‖ and ―confusion‖ techniques, and the use of metaphor and embedding of messages within other messages are discussed. Moberg, D.O. (1987). Book review of Healing Faith — An annotated bibliography of Christian self-help books by E. Chase. Sociological Analysis, 48(3), 296-297. Moore, R.H. (1987). Posse Comitatus revisited — The use of the military in civil-law enforcement. Journal of Criminal Justice, 15(5), 375-386. Morse, J.C., & Morse, E.L. (1987). Toward a theory of therapy with cultic victims. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 41(4), 563-570. Presents a theoretical framework for the treatment of cult victims. Data from more than 70 cases treated with conjoint model focuses on the value of this methodology. Discusses specific, special needs of these clients and the nature of their imposed pathology, and delineates a model for freeing the victims of this pathology. Nidich, S.I., Nidich, R.J., & Rainforth, M. School effectiveness achievement gains at the Maharishi School of the Age of Enlightenment. Education, 107(1), 49-54. Investigated impact of Maharishi School of the Age of Enlightenment, where staff practices Transcendental Meditation, on academic achievement of 75 grade-school students in Iowa, as measured by Iowa Test of Basic Skills. Results show new and continuing students improved achievement scores. O'Farrell, M.K. (1987). The effect of timing of goal setting on outcome in personal growth groups. Dissertation Abstracts International, 48(1-B), 271. Ofshe, R. (1986). The rabbi and the sex cult: Power expansion in the formation of a cult. Cultic Studies Journal, 3(2), 173-189. Study of social organization of a sex cult in which leader, a rabbi, was directly involved in recruitment of new members. Principle activity for female cult members was acting-out of rabbi's sexual fantasies. Notes that 2 problems in study of development and operation of religious and secular high-control organizations are how they become established and how people are induced to cede personal autonomy to leader or to group's normative order. Focus in this study is on techniques used by leader to get potential followers to cede their decision-making autonomy to him and on tactics developed to effect dominance over them. Omelveny, M.K. (1987). Brainwash whitewash. Nation, 245(18), 614. Oregan, B. (1985). Inner mechanisms of the healing response. Saybrook Review, 5(1), 10-31. Reviews recent healing research and outlines ideas for future research. Discusses psychoneuroimmunology, research into the nature of attention and dissociation, multiple personality disorders, placebo effect, spiritual healing. Outlines categorical framework for future research. Presents basic assumptions of Institute of Noetic Sciences' Inner Mechanisms of the Healing Response program. Orme-Johnson, D. (1987). Medical care utilization and the Transcendental Meditation program. Psychosomatic Medicine, 49(5), 493-507. Study compares 5 years of medical insurance utilization statistics of about 2,000 regular practitioners of Transcendental Meditation (TM) with normative data base of about 600,000 members of same insurance carrier. Results indicate TM group had lower medical utilization rates in all categories, including fewer inpatient and outpatient visits per 1,000 children, young adults, and older adults. All of 17 major treatment categories — including tumors, heart disease, infectious diseases, mental disorders, and diseases of nervous system — showed lower admissions rates for TM group. Pattison, E.M. (1987). Book review of Glossolalia — Behavioral-science Perspectives on Speaking in Tongues by H.N. Malony and A.A. Lovekin. Contemporary Psychology, 32(11), 965. Penton, M. James. (1987). The Story of Jehovah's Witnesses. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Publishers Weekly (June 26, 1987). Book review of The Golden Guru: The Strange Journey of Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 123

Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh, by James S. Gordon. Ray, N.R. (1988). A new age perspective. New Republic, 198(9), 6. Reuben, W., & Norman, C. (1987). Brainwashing in America — The women of Lexington prison. Nation, 44(25), 881-884. Rolbin, S.B. (1986). The mystical quest: Experiences, goals, changes, and problems. Dissertation Abstracts International, 47(3-A), 940-941. Rozaire, B., & Beverly, C. (1987). Confidentiality as a group norm and its concomitant effect on self-disclosures by participants in personal gowth groups. Dissertation Abstracts International, 47(7-A), 2462. Saxberg, B.O. (1987). Book review of Industrial Relations in a New Age by C. Kerr and P.D. Staudohar. Personnel Psychology, 40(3), 657-661. Schwartz, L.L. (1986). Parental responses to their children's cult membership. Cultic Studies Journal, 3(2), 190-203. Surveyed parents of ex-cult members and reviewed published accounts and perceptions of professionals in the field concerning parents' initial emotional reactions to their children's cult involvement and actions they subsequently took, such as deprogramming, court-ordered guardianship, exit counseling, lawsuits, family therapy. Offers suggestions regarding how parents can more effectively deal with the experience. Siegel, P., Stroh!, N., Ingram, L, Roche, D., & Taylor, J. (1987). Leninism as cult — The Democratic Workers Party. Socialist Review, 96, 58-85. The Skeptical Inquirer, Summer, 1987. Bartz, W. Clear Thinking About Human Behavior. Book review of How to think straight about psychology, by K.E. Stanovich. 405-406. Hyman, R. Assessing Arguments and Evidence. Book review of A field guide to inductive arguments by K.D. Moore. 400-404. Stark, R., & Bainbridge, W.S. (1988). The future of religion — Secularization, revival, and cult formation. American Journal of Sociology, 93(5), 12931296. Straus, R.A. (1986). Scientology ―ethics‖: Deviance, identity and social control in a cult-like world. Symbolic Interaction, 9(1), 67-82. Discussion of structure, culture, and comparability of Scientology to American capitalist society. Posits that ―ethics‖ — Scientology's means of social control — involves paradigm in which conduct originates in social identity and deviance is defined in terms of progressive stages of identity loss through reference group confusion. Hypothetical case demonstrates how stages are treated through intervention formulae. ―Ethics‖ is shown to closely parallel interactionist theories of deviance, and it is suggested that differences from symbolic interactionism are ascribed to contradiction between individualistic and system-centered orientations in American capitalist society. Tabash, E. A new age perspective. New Republic, 198(9), 6. Temerlin, J.W., & Temerlin, M.K. (1986). Some hazards of the therapeutic relationship. Cultic Studies Journal, 3(2), 234-242. Describes intrapsychic and interpersonal processes that lead to destructive erosion of therapeutic boundaries as observed in psychotherapy cults. Occurs when relationship is not strictly limited to psychotherapy. Cult therapists encourge distorted perceptions of themselves by clients, resulting in clients forming unrealistic expectations of magical solutions. This in turn creates potential for despair, hopelessness, and depression. Wallis, R. (1987). Book review of New Religious Movements and Rapid Social Change by J.A. Bedford. Sociological Review, 35(4), 878-881. Wallis, R. (1988). Paradoxes of freedom and regulation — The case of new religious movements in Britain and America. Sociological Analysis, 48(4), 355-371. Warner, T.Q. (1987). Transcendental Meditaton and development advancement: Mediating abilities and conservation performance. Dissertation Abstracts International, 47(8-B), 3558-3559. Weimann, G. (1987). New religions — From fear to faith. Canadian Journal of Sociology Chaiers Canadiens de Sociologie, 12(3), 216-228. Weiss, A.S. (1987). Psychological distress and well-being in Hare Krishnas. Psychological Reports, 61(1), 23-35. Weiss, A.S., & Comrey, A.L. (1987). Personality characteristics of Hare Krishnas. Journal of Personality Assessment, 51(3), 399-413. Assessed personalities of 132 members of Hare Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 124

Krishna movement, using Comrey Personality Scales. Hallmark characteristic of Hare Krishna personality was strong compulsivity trait, common to both sexes. Reduced trust in society exhibited by both sexes. With exception of compulsivity, average scores were generally within normal range, but differed from normative male group indicating idiosyncratic traits. Weiss, A.S., & Comrey, A.L. (1987). Personality factor structure among Hare Krishnas. Educational & Psychological Measurement, 47(2), 317-328. Used Comrey Personality Scales to investigate personality structure of members of Hare Krishna movement. Results show that 40 subscales and 2 validation scales were intercorrelated. Factor analysis showed majority of expected personality factors, previously found in other groups, were present, exception being social conformity vs. rebelliousness. Weiss, A.S., & Comrey, A.L. (1987). Personality and mental health of Hare Krishnas compared with psychiatric outpatients and normals. Personality and Individual Differences, 5, 721-730. Wentzel, Eric. (1987). Book review of Autobiographies of Conversion, by Joseph H. Fichter. Unification News, July 1987. West, L.J. (1988). Book review of The Anatomy of Illusion — Religious Cults and Destructive Persuasion by T.W. Keiser and J.L. Keiser. American Journal of Psychiatry, 145(1), 123-124. Whipple, V. (1987). Counseling battered women from fundamentalist churches. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 13(3), 251-258. Wong, L.T. (1985). Shamanic art in healing rituals. Saybrook Review, 5(2), 55-63. Describes various forms of art, such as music and/or dance, used by shamans to alter their consciousness for healing purposes. Discusses shaman's paraphernalia, healing rituals, spirits, and symbols. Wood, C. (1986). News about studying mind-body-health: Major setback for alternative medicine in Britain. Advances, 3(3), 38-39. Describes impact on alternative medicine of 1986 report by British Medical Association declaring virtually all alternative therapies, including homeopathy, acupuncture, chiropractice, aroma therapy, color therapy, and faith healing, unscientific and inappropriate as methods of treatment. This article is an electronic version of an article originally published in Cultic Studies Journal, 1988, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 158-176. Please keep in mind that the pagination of this electronic reprint differs from that of the bound volume. This fact could affect how you enter bibliographic information in papers that you may write.

Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 1988 Page 125

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