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(4) [CorCP ye ‘ngara asans], te ‘ngiraso ‘bhavan. Rel-who coals were these Angiras became ‘Those who were coals became Angiras.’ (Lit. ‘Who were coals, these became Angiras.’)

Correlatives and the Conditions on Chain Formation Tommi Tsz-Cheung Leung University of Southern California [email protected]

(Sanskrit)

(5) [CorCP Je dhobi maarii saathe aavyo], te DaakTarno bhaaii che. Rel washerman my with came that doctors brother is (i) The matching requirement as a defining property of correlative constructions is a ‘The washerman who came with me is the doctor’s brother.’ (Gujarathi) (Lit. ‘Which washerman came with me, that is the doctor’s brother.’) consequence of the well-formedness conditions on chain formation. (ii) The matching requirement of correlative constructions is formalized by postulating a doubling constituent formed by the ‘matching morphemes’, i.e. the relative (6) [CorCP Jun keTilai Ramle dekhyo], ma tyo keTilai cinchu. morpheme and the demonstrative morpheme, realised at separate clauses. Rel girl-Dat Ram-Erg saw I-Nom Dem girl-Dat know-1Sg-Prt (iii) Correlative constructions are formed by two separate chains that are connected by a ‘I know the girl who Ram saw.’ (Nepali) ‘pivotal occurrence’. (Lit. ‘Which girl saw Ram, I know that girl.’) (iv) The pivotal occurrence postulated for correlative constructions is analogous to other superficially distinctive constructions such as resumptions and floating quantifiers. ae-l r´h-´ith ], se biman p´ir ge-l-ah. (7) [CorCP Je bidyarthi kailh Rel student yesterday come-Perf was 3Sg sick lie go B. Correlative constructions: 1 ‘The student who came yesterday got sick.’ (Maithili) (Lit. ‘Which student came yesterday, s/he got sick.’) - The relative clause (or call it the correlative clause) is left-adjoined to the main clause. - A typical relativization strategy of Indo-Aryan languages: - Correlatives are also attested in other language families: A. Major claims:

(1) [CorCP Jo CD sale-par hai ], Aamir us CD-ko khari:d-ege. Rel CD sale-on is Aamir Dem CD-Acc buy-will 2 ‘Aamir will buy the CD that is on sale.’ (lit. ‘Which CD is on sale, Aamir will buy that CD.’)

(Hindi)

(2) [CorCP Kuis-an appa-ma uwatezzi n-za ], apas- at dai. Rel-Nom-s-him back-Prt brings Prt-Prt Dem-Nom-s-him takes ‘The one who brings him back takes him for himself.’ (Hittite) (3) [CorCP Je mee-Ti okhane daRie ache], Se lOmba. Rel-girl-3Sg there stand-Conj is she tall ‘The girl who is standing over there is tall.’ (Lit. ‘Which girl is standing there, she is tall.’)

(Bangla)

(8) [CorCP Kolkoto pari iska ], toklova misli če šte i dam. How-much money wants that-much thinks that will her give-1sg ‘She thinks that I’ll give her as much money as she wants.’ (Bulgarian) (Lit. ‘How much money she wants, She thinks that I will give her that much.’) (9) [CorCP Wie jij uitgenodigd hebt], die wil ik niet meer zien. Rel-who you invited have that-one want I no longer see ‘I don’t want to see the one you have invited any longer.’ (Dutch) (Lit. ‘Who you have invited, I don’t want to see that one any longer.’) (10) [CorCP Co chcesz ], to dostaniesz. Rel want-2Sg Dem get-2sg ‘You will get what you want.’ (Lit. ‘What you want, you get it.’)

(Polish)

1

Bambara (Givón 2001); Bangla (Bagchi 1994); Bulgarian (Izvorski 1996); Dutch (Izvorski 1996); Gujarathi (Masica 1972); Hindi (Bhatt 2003); Hittite (Downing 1973); Hungarian (Lipták 2004, 2005); Korean (Hyuna Byun, personal communication); Lhasa Tibetan (Cable 2005); Marathi (Wali 1982); Nepali (Anderson 2005, 2007); Polish (Citko 2007); Russian (Izvorski 1996); Serbo-Croatian (Izvorski 1996); Thai (Kingkarn Thepkanjana, p.c); Sanskrit (Lehmann 1974); Vietnamese (Thuan Tran, p.c). 2 Abbreviations are used as follows: Acc – Accusative; Aux – Auxiliary; Conj – Conjunction; Dat – Dative; Decl – Declarative; Dem – Demonstrative; Erg – Ergative; Gen – Genitive; Ger – Gerund; Hab – Habitual; Imperf – Imperfective; Instr – Instrumental; Nom – Nominal marker; Neg – Negation; Obl – Oblique; Part – Participle; Pfv – Perfective; Pl – Plural; Pot – Potential; Pres – Present; Prog – Progressive; Prt – Particle; Pst – Past; Pv – preverbal element; Rcl – Relative clause marker; Refl – Reflexive; Rel – Relative; Sg – Singular; Top – Topic; 1 – 1st Person; 2 – 2nd Person; 3 – 3rd Person.

(11) [CorCP Kogo ljublju ], togo poceluju. Rel-whom love-1Sg that-one will-kiss-1Sg ‘I will kiss who I love.’ (Lit. ‘Whom I love, I will kiss that.’)

(Russian)

(12) [CorCP Aki

korán jött ], azt ingyen beengedték. Rel-who early came that-Acc freely Pv-admitted-3Pl ‘Those who come early were admitted for free.’ (Hungarian) (Lit. ‘Who came early, that was admitted for free.’) 1

(13) [CorCP N ye so min ye ], cE be o dyç. I Pst house Rel see man Prog it build ‘The man is building the house that I saw.’ (Lit. ‘Which house I saw, the main building it.’)

International Conference on Linguistics in Korea (ICLK-2007) Seoul National University Jan 20th, 2007

(Lit. ‘Anything Jan gave to whom, Maria took it back from him.’) (Bulgarian) (Bambara)

(14) [CorCP Khwaam-phayayaam yuu thii-nai ], khwaam-samret ko yuu thii-nan. Nom-try stay at-Rel-where Nom-succeed also stay at-there ‘Where there's a will, there's a way.’ (Thai) (15) [CorCP Na-lul ch'otaeha-nun saram-un nuku-tunchi ], ku-nun John-to . person-Top Rel-who-ever he-Top John-also I-Acc invite-Rcl ch’otaeha-n-ta. invite-Pres-Decl ‘Whoever invites me also invites John.’ (Korean) (Lit. ‘Whoever invites me, he also invites John.’) (16) [CorCP khyodra-s gyag gare njos yod na], nga-s de bsad pa yin. you-Erg yak Rel-what buy aux if I-Erg that kill Pst aux ‘I killed whatever yak you bought.’ (Lhasa Tibetan) (Lit. ‘Whatever yak you bought, I killed that.’) (17) [CorCP Ai nâu ], nây ăn. Rel-who cook that-person eat ‘Whoever cooks eats.’ (Lit. ‘Whoever cooks, that person eats.’)

(Vietnamese)

C. Properties of correlative constructions: (i) Leftward adjunction of the relative clause to the main clause. (ii) The presence of a relative morpheme (Rel) in the correlative clause, and a demonstrative morpheme/anaphoric pronoun (Dem) in the main clause. (iii) The observation of multiple correlatives in many correlative languages. (18) [CorCP Jis larkii-ne jis larke-ke-saath khel-aa ], us-ne us-ko Rel-Obl girl-Erg Rel-Obl boy-with play-Perf Dem-Erg Dem-Acc haraa-yaa. defeat-Perf ‘A girl who played with a boy defeated him.’ (Hindi) (Lit. ‘Which girl played with which boy, the girl defeated the boy.’) (19) [CorCP Komu co Jan dał], temu to Maria zabierze. Rel-who-Dat Rel-what-Acc Jan gave Dem-Dat Dem-Acc Maria take-back ‘Maria took what Jan gave to who back from him.’

(20) [CorCP Aki amit kér ], az azt elveheti. Rel-who Rel-what-Acc wants Dem Dem-Acc take-Pot-3Sg ‘Everyone can take what he wants.’ (Hungarian) (Lit. ‘Who wants what, s/he can take it.’) (21) [CorCP Jya mula-ne jya muli-la pahila], tya mula-ne tya muli-la pasant kela. Rel boy-Erg Rel girl-Acc saw Dem boy-Erg Dem girl-Acc like did ‘A boy who saw a girl liked her.’ (Marathi) (Lit. ‘Which boy saw which girl, the boy liked the girl.’) (22) [CorCP Kto co chce ], ten to dostanie. Rel-who Rel-what wants Dem Dem gets ‘Everyone gets what he wants.’ (Lit. ‘Who wants what, s/he gets it.’) (23) [CorCP Kto kogo ljubit], tot o tom i govorit. Rel-who Rel-whom loves Dem of Dem and speaks ‘Everybody speaks about the person they love.’ (Lit. ‘Who loves whom, s/he speaks of him/her.’)

(Polish)

(Russian)

(24) [CorCP Kome se kako predstavĭs ], taj misli da tako treba da Rel-whom Refl Rel-how present-yourself he thinks that thus should to te tretira. you treat ‘The way you present yourself, this is how people think they should treat you.’ (Serbo-Croatian) (iv) The matching requirement that requires an equal number of Rel and Dem. (25) [CorCP Jyaa muline jyaa mulaalaa je pustak prezent dila hota], tyaa muline Rel girl Rel boy Rel book present gave had, Dem girl tyla mulaalaa te pustak aadki daakhavla hota. Dem boy Dem book before shown had ‘The girl that presented the book to the boy had shown it to him.’ (lit. ‘Which girl presented which book to which boy, she had shown it to him.’) (Marathi) In usual cases, correlative constructions cannot violate the matching requirement (26) a. [CorCP Jis lar.ke-ne sports medal jiit-aa], *(us-ne) academic medal-bhii jiit-aa. Rel boy-Erg sports medal win-Pfv Dem-Erg academic medal-also win-Pfv ‘A boy who won the sports medal also won the academic medal.’ (Lit. ‘Which boy won the sports medal, he also won the academic medal.’) 2

International Conference on Linguistics in Korea (ICLK-2007) Seoul National University Jan 20th, 2007

b. *[CorCP Jis larke-ne jis larki-ko dekha], us larki-ko piitaa gayaa. Rel boy-Erg Rel girl-Acc saw Dem girl-Acc beaten was ‘A girl whom a boy saw was beaten.’ (Lit. ‘Which boy saw which girl, the girl was beaten.’) c. *[CorCP Jo laRkii jis laRke-ke saath khelegii], vo jiit jaayegii. Rel girl Rel boy-Obl with plays 3Sg win-Perf ‘A girl who plays with a boy has won.’ (Hindi) (Lit. ‘Which girl plays with which boy, she has won.’)

(v) Correlatives are independent of other types of relative constructions. 3 E.g. Hindi correlatives - The head NP could appear in either the correlative clause or the main clause (or both) in correlatives, but not in other types of relative clauses. (31) a. [CorCP Jo larkii kharii hai], vo lambii hai. Rel girl standing is Dem tall is

(27) a. [CorCP Akit bemutattál ], *(annak) köszöntem. Rel-what-Acc introduced-2Sg Dem-Dat greeted-1Sg ‘I greeted the person you introduced to me.’ (lit. ‘Who you introduced, I greeted that.’) b. [CorCP Aki korán jött ],*(annak) ingyen adtam jegyet. Rel-who early came Dem-Dat freely gave-1Sg ticket ‘I have given those who came early a ticket for free.’ (lit.‘Who came early, I have given those a ticket for free.’) (Hungarian)

b.

[CorCP Jo kharii hai ], vo larkii lambii hai. Rel standing is Dem girl tall is

c.

[CorCP Jo larkii kharii hai ], vo larkii lambii hai. Rel girl standing is Dem girl tall is ‘The girl who is standing is tall.’

(Correlatives)

(32) a. Mujhe vo aadmii [CP jo Sita-ko pasand hai] accha: nahi: lag-ta:. I-Dat that man Rel Sita-Dat like is like not seems

Note 1: In some languages, the demonstrative morpheme can be optionally deleted if some morphosyntactic conditions are met, e.g. if the pronoun can be dropped.

b. *Mujhe vo aadmii [CP jo aadmii Sita-ko pasand hai] accha: nahi: lag-ta:. I-Dat that man Rel man Sita-Dat like is like not seems

(28) a. [CorCP jo lar.ki: khar.i: hai], (vo) lambii hai. Rel girl standing is Dem tall is ‘The girl who is standing is tall.’

c. * Mujhe vo [CP jo aadmii Sita-ko pasand hai] accha: nahi: lag-ta:. I-Dat that Rel man Sita-Dat like is like not seems ‘I don’t like the man who Sita likes.’ (Embedded relative clauses)

b. [CorCP Jis-ne jo chahaa ], (us-ne vo) kiyaa. Rel-Erg Rel want-Perf Dem-Erg Dem do-Perf ‘People did what they wanted.’ (lit. ‘Who wanted what, they did that.’) (29) [CorCP Aki korán jön], (azt) ingyen beengedik. Rel-who early comes Dem-Acc freely Pv-admit-3PL ‘Those who come early, the organizers will let in for free.’

(Hindi)

(33) a. Mujhe vo aadmii accha: nahi: lag-ta: [CP jo Sita-ko pasand hai]. I-Dat that man like not seems Rel Sita-Dat like is b. *Mujhe vo aadmii accha: nahi: lag-ta: [CP jo aadmii Sita-ko pasand hai]. I-Dat that man like not seems Rel man Sita-Dat like is c. *Mujhe vo accha: nahi: lag-ta: [CP jo aadmii Sita-ko pasand hai]. I-Dat that like not seems Rel man Sita-Dat like is ‘I don’t like the man who Sita likes.’ (Extraposed relative clauses)

(Hungarian)

Note 2: not all languages that allow single correlatives also allow multiple correlatives: (30) *[ CorCP Wie jij wanneer uitgenodigd hebt], die dan wil ik niet zien. Rel-who you Rel-when invited have that then want I not see *‘I don’t want to see the person(s) you invited sometimes then.’ (lit. ‘The person(s) you invited sometimes, I don't want to see him/those then.’) (Dutch)

- The demonstrative requirement is strictly observed in correlatives: (34) a. [CorCP Jo CD sale-par hai], Aamir {us CD-ko/*CD/*koi CD/*har CD} Rel CD sale-on is Aamir {Dem CD-Acc/*CD/*Some CD/*every CD} N.B.: The actual details of the differences between correlatives and other types of relative constructions vary from language to language. 3

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khari:d-ege. buy-Fut ‘Aamir will buy {that/∅/some/every CD} that is on sale.’ (lit. ‘Which CD is on sale, Aamir will buy {that/∅/some/every} CD’). (Correlatives) b. {Vo larkii /har larkii /larkii} [CP jo kharii hai] lambii hai. {Dem-girl/every girl / girl} Rel standing is tall is ‘Every girl/The girl/A girl who is standing is tall.’ (Embedded relative clauses)

- Multiple correlatives do not exist in other types of relative constructions: 4 (37) Hindi: a.[CorCP Jis laRkii-ne jis laRke-ko dekhaa], us-ne us-ko passand kiyaa. Rel girl-Erg Rel boy-Acc saw Dem-Erg Dem-Acc liked did ‘A girl that saw a boy liked him.’ (lit. ‘which girl saw which boy, she liked him.’) (Correlatives) b. */??us laRkii-ne us laRke-ko pasand kiyaa [CorCP jis-ne jis-ko dekhaa]. Dem girl-Erg Dem boy-Acc liked did Rel-Erg Rel-Acc saw (Lit. ‘She liked him, which girl saw which boy.’) (Extraposed relative clauses)

c. {Vo larkii / har larkii / larkii} lambii hai [CP jo kharii hai]. {Dem-girl /every girl / girl } tall is Rel standing is Lit. ‘Every girl/the girl is tall who is standing.’ (Extraposed relative clauses) - Correlatives in general do not allow stacking: (35) a. *[CorCP Jo laRkii khaRii hai] [CorCP jo Ravii ki dost hai ], vo (laRkii) bahut Rel girl standing is Rel Ravi of Gen friend Dem girl very lambii hai. tall is ‘The girl which is standing which is Ravi’s friend is very tall.’ (Correlatives) (Lit. ‘which girl is standing, who is Ravi’s friend, is very tall.’) b. Har aadmii [CP jo mujhe pasand hai] [CP jise mein-ne bulaa-yaa hai] every man Rel I-Dat like is Rel-Acc I-Erg call-Perf is aa-egaa. come-Fut ‘Every man who I like who I have called will come.’ (Embedded relative clauses) c. Vo har aadmii aa-egaa [CP jo mujhe pasand hai][ CP jise mein-ne Dem every man come-Fut Rel I-Dat like is Rel-Acc I-Erg bulaa-yaa hai]. call-Perf is ‘Every man will come who I like who I have called.’ (Extraposed relative clauses)

(38) Hungarian: a. [CorCP Aki amit kér ], az azt elveheti. Rel-who Rel-what-Acc wants that that-Acc take-Pot-3Sg ‘Everyone can take what he/she wants.’ (Correlatives) b. *Az azt [CorCP aki amit kér ] elveheti. that that-Acc Rel-who Rel-what-Acc wants take-Pot-3Sg ‘He/she who wants something takes it.’ (Embedded relative clauses) c. *Az azt elveheti [CorCP aki amit kér ]. that that-Acc take-Pot-3Sg Rel-who Rel-what-Acc wants ‘Everyone can take what he/she wants.’ (extraposed relative clause) D. Generalization of the matching requirement The descriptive statements for the matching requirement in correlatives: (39) a. The number of Rel in the correlative clause equals the number of Dem in the main clause. b. There are n Dem in the main clause if and only if there are n Rel in the correlative clause. E. The syntactic representation of correlative constructions

Also shown in Hungarian: (36) *[CorCP Ami olcsó], [ami jó] az nem kapható. Rel-what cheap Rel-what good that not available lit. ‘What is cheap, what is good, is not available.’

Most syntactic work focus on the relation between the correlative clause and the main clause/demonstrative morpheme (not between the Rel and Dem). (i) Srivastav’s (1991) base-generated approach: -Base-generation of the correlative clause - The Dem is bound by the correlative clause via generalized quantification 4

Some native speakers of Hindi accept (36b) (Srivastav 1991, Mahajan 2001).

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(40) [IP [CorCP Which CD is on sale]i, [IP Aamir [that CDi] bought ]] (Hindi) IP ei [CorCP which CD is on sale]i IP ei [DP Aamir] IP ei [Dem-XP that-CD]i [I [V bought]]

- It is also shown in fragment answers in Hindi, in which the presence of Dem is obligatory. (43) Question: Who came first? Answer: [CorCP jo laRkii khaRii hai]??*(vo) Rel girl standing is that ‘The girl who is standing’ - The movement of the correlative clause can be verified by the following example:

(ii) Bhatt’s (2003) adjunction-and-movement approach:

(44) Complex NP island: *[Cor-CP]i [IP…[NP NP [ …DEMi…]]…] *[ hai]i mujh-ko [vo kaha:ni [jo Arundhati-ne us-ke-baare-me CorCP Jo vaha: rah-ta: - The correlative clause left-adjoins to the Dem at the underlying representation, followed Rel there stay-Hab is I-Dat that story Rel A-Erg Dem-about by its overt A’-movement to the left periphery. likh-ii]] pasand hai. write-Perf like is (41) [IP [CorCP Which CD is on sale]i [IP Aamir [ti that CDi] bought ]] (lit. ‘Who lives there, I like the story that Arundhati wrote about that boy.’) IP (45) ??? [CorCP Jo kitab Saira-ne likh-i: ]1, [Rahul a:jkal [DP [DP tCorCP vo1 ] aur ei Rel book Saira-Erg write-Perf Rahul nowadays Dem and [CorCP which CD is on sale]i IP [ [jo cartoon Shyam-ne bana:-ya: ] vo ]] par.h raha: hai]. DP 2 2 ei Rel cartoon Shyam-Erg make-Perf Dem read Prog is [DP Aamir] IP ‘Nowadays, Rahul is reading the book that Saira wrote and the cartoon that Shyam ei made.’ (c.f. (42)) Dem-XPi V-I ei bought (46) Condition C by reconstruction: *[CorCP…Namej…]i [Pronj [ti DEMi]…] tCP,i [Dem-XP that-CD]i *[Jo larkii Sita-koj pyaar kar-tii hai]i [us-nek/*j us-koi thukraa di-yaa] Rel girl Sita-Acc love do-Hab is Dem-Erg Dem-Acc reject give-Perf - The constituent test can verify the relation between the correlative clause and Dem. *‘Shei rejected the girl who loves Sitai.’ (42) Rahul a:jkal [DP [jo kita:b Saira-ne likh-i:]1 vo1] aur [DP [jo cartoon ShyamRahul nowadays Rel book Saira-Erg write-Perf Dem and Rel cartoon Shyamne bana:-ya]2 vo2] parh raha: hai. Erg make-Perf Dem read Prog is ‘Nowadays, Rahul is reading [the book that Saira wrote] and [the cartoon that Shyam made]’ (Lit. ‘Nowdays, Rahul is reading [[which book that Saira wrote] that (book)] and [[which cartoon that Shyam made] that (cartoon)]

- Multiple correlatives are formed by placing the correlative clause to the minimal configuration that contains all instances of Dem (47) [CorCP Which girli heard which CDj], that girli bought that CDj. (Hindi) IP ei [CorCP Which girl heard which CD]i,j IP ei [Dem-XP that girl]i … ei [Dem-XP that CD]j V-I bought 5

International Conference on Linguistics in Korea (ICLK-2007) Seoul National University Jan 20th, 2007

- The locality of Merge (Bhatt 2003) (48) The structure-building operation of Merge must apply in as local a manner as possible.

(iv) A conceptual problem!! The syntactic constituent (if any) formed by the correlative clause and the main clause/Dem is unable to account for the matching requirement as the defining property of correlative constructions. 5

- The ‘association’ between the correlative clause and the main clause/Dem:

G. Representation of the matching requirement

(49)

What does associated with mean? The notion associated with is meant to subsume both head-argument relations as well as the relationship that obtains between a modifier and what it modifies. Relative clauses are associated with the noun phrase they modify, the ‘head’ of the relative clause [footnote omitted]. Correlative Clauses are associated with the Dem-XPs they occur with. (Bhatt 2003:526)

- We assume that the matching requirement is universal across typical correlative constructions. - The co-existence of Rel and Dem (in simple and multiple correlatives) corresponds to a contextual relation notated by ‘ / ’ which takes two arguments. - The notation ‘x / __ y’ is read as ‘x is in the context of y’.

F. Problems of the locality of Merge in correlative constructions

→ Rel / __ Dem. (i) The constituency between the correlative clause and Dem is not universal. - Since the notation ‘x / __ y’ (i.e. x is in the context of y) is conceptually equivalent to (50) Question: Who came first? ‘y / __ x’ (i.e. y is in the context of x), either the use of ‘x / __ y’ or ‘y / __ x’ (but not Answer: [CorCP Aki ott áll ], (*az) both) should be sufficient to describe the relation between x and y. (Vergnaud 2003, Rel-who there stands that Prinzhorn et al 2004) ‘The one who stands there’ (Hungarian) (ii) Reconstruction of correlative clauses that leads to condition C violation is also not - The contextual relation between two elements can be syntactically represented by the universal, e.g. Hungarian (50) and Nepali (51): formation of a syntactic constituent, i.e: (51) a. [CorCP Akit szeret Marii], azt meghívta proi a buliba. Rel-who-ACC loves Mari that-ACC invited the party-to ‘Who(ever) Marii loves, shei invited to the party.’ b. *azt meghívta proi [CorCP Akit szeret Marii] (pro=Mari) that-ACC invited Rel-who-ACC loves Mari *‘Shei invited who(ever) Marii loves to the party.’ (52) [CorCP Jun siksak-lai Rāmi man parauncha], unlei unlai buddhiman Rel teacher-Dat Ram likes 3sg-Erg 3Sg-Dat intelligent thāncha. considers ‘Rami considers the teacher hei lies to be intelligent.’ (Lit. ‘The teacher who Rami likes, hei considers him to be intelligent.’) (iii) The correlative clause is not always subject to island constraints (53) [CorCP Jun manche tyo gharma basthyo]i, Rāmle kathā sunāyo ki uskoi Rel man Dem house-Loc lived Ram-Erg story told that Dem-Gen pharak paricaya thiyo. (Nepali) different life was ‘Ram told a story that the man who lived in that house had a secret life.’ (Lit. ‘[The man who lived in that house]i, Ram told a story that hei had a secret life.’)

x / __ y ≡ [x y] (with the label determined by other means) - In movement, the moved item XP forms a chain with a list of occurrence(s), i.e. positions (Chomsky 1981, 1982, 2000): XPi α…ti β… ti γ (CH (XP) = (*α, β, γ))

[* = strong occurrence (Boeckx 2003)]

- Therefore, at various stages, we postulate that the constituent [α XP α], [β XP β] and [γ XP γ] is derived. → [Rel Dem] Call this a doubling constituent (also in clitic doubling (Uriagereka 1995), resumptions (McClowskey 1998, Boeckx 2003), antecedent-pronoun relations (Kayne 2002)) - We postulate that the doublet is base-generated within the main clause domain. → [Dem Rel Dem] 5 While the matching requirement can be obviated under some morphosyntactic conditions, there probably exist no typical correlative languages in which the matching requirement leads to ungrammaticality (except some non-typical languages such as Dutch). See Leung 2007b for discussion.

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International Conference on Linguistics in Korea (ICLK-2007) Seoul National University Jan 20th, 2007

- A syntactic constituent essentially represents a contextual relation between two elements, e.g. [H Spec H]. 6 An alternative way is represent such a contextual relation by means of a ‘process’, e.g. some sort of feature-checking mechanism (Chomsky 1995).

Note: ‘that’ as an occurrence of ‘what’ also forms a separate chain. (58) Principle of unambiguous chain (PUC) (Boeckx 2003:13): A chain is ambiguous if it contains at most one strong occurrence.

- Rel and Dem match with the referential features. (59) The property of Dem (e.g. that) in correlative constructions: H. The derivation by means of sideward movement - It functions as an occurrence of a chain formed by Rel (i.e. CH (what)) - The Rel as an adjunct of the doublet moves sideways (Nunes 2004) to the relative - It forms a separate chain (i.e. CH (that) = (*ate)) domain. After the formation of the relative clause, the relative clause merges back with - It connects two independent chains. - We therefore call Dem in correlative constructions a pivotal occurrence. the main clause, resulting into an adjunction structure: (54)

-

[Dem Reli Demi] → [Cor-CP … Reli …] [Dem ti Demi] (sideward movement) → [Dem [Cor-CP … Reli …] [Dem ti Demi]] (adjunction→ locality of merge) → [IP [Cor-CP … Reli …]j [IP …I… [Dem tj [ti Demi]]]] (overt movement of Cor-CP → left periphery) Sideward movement is legitimate since it forms a chain that complies with the extension condition in which derivations target at the root level (Chomsky 1995)

(55) a. Intra-arboreal movement: α γi [β…β… […ti…]] → α [β…γi…[β…β… […ti …]]] (Internal Merge of γ) → [α…α…[β…γi… [β…β… […ti …]]]] (External Merge between α and β) b. Inter-arboreal (sideward) movement: α γi [β…β… […ti …]] → [α …α…γi…] [β…β… […ti …]] (External Merge between α and γ) → [β [α …α…γi…] [β…β… […ti …]]]] (Adjunction of α to β) - Both types of movement target at the root level, thus legitimate. - (Intra/inter-arboreal) movement can be described by a chain as a list of occurrence(s) (the notion of occurrences starts from Chomsky 1955/75, and chain as in Chomsky 1981, 1982, 2000) (56) An occurrence of α in context K is the full context (e.g. sister) of α in K.

(60) A pivotal occurrence is an occurrence that also forms a separate chain. H. The use of pivotal occurrence in other configurations - Resumptions as stranding (61) Jani sanble [[ [li] ti]j te [tj renmen Mari]]. Jan seems he Pst love Mari ‘Jani seems hei loved Mari.’ CH (Jan) = (*Tsanble, li), CH (li) = (*Tte, renmen) Pivotal occurrence = ‘li’

(Haitian; Boeckx 2003)

- Floating quantifiers (62) The studentsi have [all ti] left. CH (the students) = (*Thave, all), CH (all) = (*Tleft) Pivotal occurrence = ‘all’ I. Conclusion (i) A chain is well-formed if it contains at most one strong occurrence (i.e. PUC). (ii) Separate chains are connected by the presence of a pivotal occurrence. (iii) The pivotal occurrence (e.g. Dem) relates to the matching requirement in correlative constructions. (iv) Alternatively, the observation of the matching requirement in correlative languages provides supporting evidence to the significance of a pivotal occurrence.

- The list of occurrences formed by correlatives: (57) Whati Mary cooked ti, John ate thati. (c.f. (1) in Hindi) CH (what) = (*C, cooked, that) CH (that) = (*ate) [* = strong occurrence (Boeckx 2003)] 6

What is tacitly suggested here is the assumption that [H Comp] also involves a feature-checking mechanism of some sort (with details omitted). See Leung 2007a for details.

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International Conference on Linguistics in Korea (ICLK-2007) Seoul National University Jan 20th, 2007

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