Cities, Slums, and Energy Consumption in Less-Developed Countries, 1990-2005 *

Andrew K Jorgenson Department of Sociology University of Utah

James Rice Department of Sociology New Mexico State University

Brett Clark Department of Sociology & Anthropology North Carolina State University

Manuscript submitted to Organization & Environment

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The authors contributed equally to this manuscript. Direct all correspondence to Andrew K. Jorgenson, Department of Sociology, University of Utah, 380 South 1530 East, Room 301, Salt Lake City, UT 84112; Phone: (801) 581-8093; FAX: (801) 585-3784; email: [email protected]

Cities, Slums, and Energy Consumption in Less-Developed Countries, 1990-2005

Abstract Theories in urban political economy and environmental sociology are engaged to assess the extent to which energy consumption in less-developed countries is impacted by different urban characteristics. Results of first-difference panel model estimates for a sample of less-developed countries yield two noteworthy findings. From 1990-2005, growth in energy consumption was positively associated with growth in overall urban population and negatively associated with growth in the percent of a population residing in urban slum conditions. The two divergent effects hold, net of multiple human ecological and political-economic controls. The authors conclude by highlighting the theoretical implications of the findings and the need for more nuanced approaches in future research on such topics.

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Cities, Slums, and Energy Consumption in Less-Developed Countries, 1990-2005

Introduction Since 2008, and for the first time in human history, the majority of the world’s population resides within urban areas. “The dawn of an Urban Millennium” creates new challenges for the world in terms of the “concentration of poverty, slum growth and social disruption” (United Nations Population Fund 2007: 1). It also presents a myriad of environmental problems resulting from the consumption of energy and other natural resources, including air pollution and climate change, the loss of natural habitat, water contamination and depletion, and deforestation. Urban population growth is an ongoing process, and it is estimated that during the twenty-first century 93 percent of such growth will take place in less-developed countries (United Nations Population Fund 2007:7-8). Already the majority of the world’s megacities—cities with over eight million people— are located in the Global South (Davis 2006). Stark inequalities characterize urban centers as slums continue to expand in conjunction with the increase in urban populations, creating social and environmental asymmetries within cities. Energy consumption is likely connected to the various and contradictory forms of urban growth. We contend that comparative research should pay closer attention to these important society / nature relationships. In the current study we begin to consider these issues by examining the impacts of growth in overall urban populations and the size of populations residing in urban slums on energy consumption in less-developed countries. Drawing from complementary literatures in urban political economy and environmental sociology, we test hypotheses

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concerning divergent associations between these two urban characteristics and energy consumption for a sample of fifty-seven less-developed countries from 1990-2005. In particular, we examine the expectation that within less-developed countries growth in energy consumption exhibits a positive association with overall urban population growth between 1990 and 2005. However, for the same fifteen year period, we posit that within less-developed countries growth in energy consumption is negatively associated with growth in the proportion of the total population residing in urban slums. The results of first-difference model estimates confirm the hypotheses, and underscore the need for more nuanced and comprehensive approaches when conducting macro-comparative research on human / environment relationships. In the next two sections, we discuss the effects of overall urbanization and urban slum growth on energy consumption, with a particular focus on such associations in lessdeveloped countries. We derive the two tested hypotheses from these bodies of work. We then describe the employed sample of countries and estimation technique, as well as the variables included in the models. Next, we assess the bivariate associations between the key urban predictors and the outcome, growth in energy consumption. We then present and briefly summarize the findings for the panel regression analyses. We conclude by highlighting the theoretical significance of the results as well as their implications for future research.

Overall Urbanization and Energy Consumption The growth of cities, historically, is inseparable from the depopulation of the countryside. The mass migration of people—who were seeking employment—to urban

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centers coincided with and facilitated the rise of industrialization. Such processes transformed both social and natural landscapes and facilitated increases in the consumption of natural materials, including different forms of energy (Engels 1892; Foster 1994; Marx 1976; Perelman 2000). This migration trend has continued in recent decades, generating significant changes in housing, transportation, social epidemiology, and social inequalities. At the same time, the concentrations of people within mega-cities pose ecological concerns, as aggregate populations are increasingly urbanized within sprawling cities that consume vast amounts of water and energy from already stressed environments (Ceislewicz 2002; Davis 2002; Reisner 1993). Environmental sociologists note that cities are not isolated units. They depend on raw materials and other natural resources from elsewhere to construct the urban infrastructure, to maintain industrial and service production, and to meet the needs and demands of people (Dickens 2002; Dunlap, Michelson, and Stalker 2001; Foster 2000). The spatial and social organization of society can generate ecological rifts (such as in the soil nutrient cycle) in environmental sustainability as natural systems are stressed and/or overtaxed in one location to meet the demands of another locality. At the same time, pollution—such as smog and the synthetic materials created by industry—accumulates and overloads ecosystems (Clark and York 2005; Cronon 1991). Many social structures are dependent on energy consumption, but various factors—including urbanization—influence the intensity and efficiency of its usage (Podobnik 2002). Urban political-economy approaches note that cities are centers of population growth, economic activities, and urban sprawl, all of which create structured environments with ecological contradictions (Bookchin 1974; Downey 2005; Mumford

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1970). Molotch (1976) describes the city as a “growth machine” that is generally captured by vested interests, such as land developers, who focus on expanding profit at the expense of the majority of the people and the environment. “Growth,” he explains, “almost always brings with it the obvious problems of increased air and water pollution, traffic congestion, and overtaxing of natural amenities. These dysfunctions become increasingly important and visible as increased consumer income fulfills people’s other needs and as the natural cleansing capacities of the environment are progressively overcome with deleterious material” (Molotch 1976: 318). Economic development and urban growth increase the volume of energy and materials that pass through social production to produce new machinery, commodities for the market, infrastructures, and “auxiliary” materials (Burkett and Foster 2006: 138; Stokes 1994: 64). Further technological developments have allowed industrial production to take place at ever-greater levels, and energy has remained a key component of expansion. In mining the earth to remove stored energy to fuel machines of production and to sustain urban growth, human society has “broken the solar-income budget constraint, and this has thrown [society] out of ecological equilibrium with the rest of the biosphere” (Daly 1977: 23). Herman Daly (1977: 23), an ecological economist, warns that this projected path of development overloads natural cycles and impairs the “lifesupport services of nature,” given “too large a throughput from the human sector.” In addition to the productive activities of cities, Gonzalez (2005) highlights that urban zones are centers of mass consumption, including an array of commodities and services to accommodate human wants and needs. Highway systems in urban and urbanizing areas often impose transportation infrastructures that privilege cars over mass

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transit, as well as distancing home and work. In other words, the construction of such built urban environments prefigures social organization dependent upon energy consumption attained through the burning of fossil fuels. Rees and Wackernagel (1996) note that the current and emerging organization of cities is not environmentally sustainable, given the vast amount of energy and resources that are required to sustain and support them. Energy efficiency is an important issue for society as a whole, but it, alone, as suggested by the Jevons paradox, has been unable to diminish energy consumption (Clark and Foster 2001; Jevons 2001). Industry often pursues efficiency to diminish unit costs. But gains in efficiency generally tend to be offset by an expansion in overall production, thus increasing total energy usage (Jorgenson 2009; Polimeni et al. 2008; York 2006; York et al. 2009). Here economic development and urban growth are likely to increase both the scale and intensity of energy demands. It is important to note that the social organization of cities varies considerably around the world, as does levels and rates of overall urbanization. Of particular relevance for the current study, the majority of developed countries are already highly urbanized, whereas the most rapid rates of urban growth in the context of percent of the population residing in urban areas are taking place within less-developed countries (e.g., Jorgenson 2004; Smith 1996; World Bank 2007). Given the patterns of growth in the latter, coupled with the common propositions concerning the relationships between energy consumption and urbanization, in the subsequent analysis we test the hypothesis that within lessdeveloped countries growth in energy consumption is positively associated with growth

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in overall urbanization. We now turn to a discussion of the political economy of urban slum growth and its proposed inverse relationship with the consumption of energy.

Urban Slum Growth and Energy Under-Consumption The rural-urban dichotomy remains one of the most frequently employed conceptualizations of the geographic and demographic structure of developing societies. Arguably, however, the remarkable growth of urban slums in recent decades constitutes a “new paradigm” or fundamental realignment of human settlement patterns that forces a reconsideration of the rural-urban dichotomy as an overarching conceptualization of socio-organizational form (United Nations Human Settlements Programme [UNHABITAT] 2003a: 6). Viewing less-developed countries from simply the long-held rural-urban dichotomy, in turn, increasingly obscures more than it illuminates. Failure to examine intra-urban differences, moreover, only serves to mask the often profound variance in living conditions that characterize urbanization in many less-developed countries. The form and suitability of urban social organization is now central to the wellbeing of the majority of humanity (Davis 2006; Harvey 1996). More urbanized lessdeveloped countries are generally characterized by higher levels of economic development and yet the pace and domestic context within which urbanization proceeds is producing increasingly strong counter-veiling dynamics. The “spatial landscape of poverty” is shifting to the burgeoning urban areas of the developing countries (UNHABITAT 2003a: 54). The problem is not urbanization per se but the manner in which it is proceeding within many less-developed countries—visible in the enclaves of prosperity

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and commerce tied to the world-economy surrounded by vast expanses of social, political, and economic exclusion. Slum formation in the 19th century cities of the now developed, industrialized countries was primarily a consequence of rapid industrialization; the slums were located in the shadows of the factories (Davis 2006; Engels 1892). Urban slum formation within many less-developed countries in the 21st century, however, proceeds despite the absence of parallel expanding industrialization and per capita economic growth (UN-HABITAT 2003a, 2003b). Urban slums within less-developed countries, in turn, are typically characterized by “concentrated disadvantage” (Vlahov et al. 2007: i16) and are the spatial and material outcome of urbanization processes enacted within a context of lack of employment, housing, and basic public services. There remains a strong presumption that urban slums in the less-developed countries are primarily a transition point or “staging grounds” for the subsequent movement of residents into better housing, formal sector employment, and greater recognition within the social and political institutions of the broader urban area. Scholars of underdevelopment have long been suspicious of such assumptions and skeptical that the development history of the now industrialized countries is necessarily a viable, or indeed inevitable, roadmap that less-developed countries will follow over time. That slums were a prominent dimension of the urban landscape within the now developed, industrialized countries during the height of their urban transition, later to be largely eclipsed by more suitable housing and living conditions, scarcely implies the same

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processes will inevitably or unproblematically be obtained in less-developed countries over time. 1 Too often urban slum residents exist outside the formal market system and rely on more informal strategies of exchange and income generation (Kuiper and van der Ree 2006; UN-HABITAT 2003b). Davis (2006: 178) refers to these economic strategies as “informal survivalism” and suggests such activities are less a hallmark of blossoming proto-capitalist spirit but ruthlessly competitive subsistence strategies enacted within urban contexts. In turn, urban slum residents are an “outcast proletariat” and a mass of people “warehoused” in the teeming urban slums of the developing world and generally characterized by formal sector underemployment and structural irrelevancy outside the circuits of global capital accumulation (Davis 2004: 11). Even as urbanization in the context of the relative growth in overall urban population is hypothesized to promote energy consumption in less-developed countries, a reflection of both the capacity and demand for greater socio-organizational complexity and expansion of consumer markets, growth in the proportion of the population living in urban slum conditions is hypothesized to have an inverse effect on energy consumption. The physicality of “place” has a tendency to emplace or give form to difference, inequality, and marginalization within society (Gieryn 2000). Such marginalization is expressed in the impermanent, transitory, and inadequate built urban infrastructure in which widespread access to the most productive forms of energy is too often a luxury beyond reach. Urban slums, in turn, are the material outcome of uneven development at

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The focus here on urban slum growth in less-developed countries is not intended to downplay the poverty and slum conditions that exist in many urban areas in developed countries. 9

an intra-urban level and find expression in energy under-consumption at the national level.

The Analyses The primary objective of the analyses is to assess the proposed divergent effects of overall urbanization and urban slums on total energy consumption in less-developed countries, net of relevant controls. In particular, we test the following two hypotheses: H1: within less-developed countries, growth in energy consumption is positively associated with growth in overall urban population; H2: within less-developed countries, growth in energy consumption is negatively associated with growth in the percent of the total population living in urban slum areas. The Dataset We analyze a cross-national dataset consisting of less-developed countries for which point estimates for 1990 and 2005 are available for the dependent variable and all independent variables included in the analyses. 2 In particular, the dataset consists of 57 less-developed countries, which we list in Table 1. Methods To test the hypotheses concerning the effects of the two urban measures on total energy consumption, we estimate first-difference models for the sample of less2

We acknowledge the relatively small number of countries included in the analyses, which is primarily due to the limited availability of the employed urban slum measures discussed below. 10

developed countries. In a first difference model, change in the dependent variable over time is regressed on change in the independent variables. To allow for more meaningful comparisons across nations, we calculate “relative change” models which, in essence, assume that the percentage change in the dependent variable is a linear function of the percentage change in the independent variable, all else being equal. Technically, relative change models are “difference of logs models,” which means that the point estimates of the two time periods for the outcome and all predictors are first logged and then differenced (Wooldridge 2002). The first-difference model has many advantages. First, it requires only two point estimates that are reasonably distanced, allowing for change on both sides of the equation to be modeled accordingly (Halaby 2004). It tends to yield more robust results because potential outliers exert less influence; it avoids out of bounds estimates, and its coefficients have a ready interpretation as the effect of one rate on the other (Firebaugh and Beck 1994). Further, such an estimation strategy eliminates the impact of any time-invariant predictors since their difference scores are, by construction, zero (Babones 2009; Kennedy 2008), and first-difference models for two time points yield results identical to fixed effects model estimates (Allison 2009). The equation for a first difference model with one predictor is as follows: (yit – yi, t-1) = B(xit – xi, t-1) + (eit – ei, t-1) The subscript i represents each unit of the analyses (e.g., country), the subscript t represents the time period, yit is the point estimate for the outcome for each unit at time t, xit is the point estimate for the predictor for each unit at time t, eit is the disturbance term for each unit at time t, B represents the coefficient for the independent variable, and t-1 subscript is self explanatory for both sides of the equation. No intercept is used. The use

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of an intercept would imply that the original model had a time trend (Cameron and Trividi 2009). However, we note that the inclusion of the intercept in sensitivity analyses, available upon request, does not substantively change the reported findings for the current study. We remind readers that to allow for assessing relative effects, the point estimates for the outcome and all predictors are logged prior to being first differenced. The Dependent Variable The dependent variable, which we obtain from the World Bank (2007), is total energy consumption. These data, which are measured in thousands of metric tons of oil equivalent, quantify a nation’s use of primary energy before transformation to other enduse fuels, which is equal to indigenous production plus imports and stock changes, minus exports and fuels supplied to ships and aircraft engaged in international transport. The World Bank gathers the energy data from the International Energy Agency. Key Independent Variables Urban population as percentage of the total population is the most commonly used measure of urbanization or overall urban population in comparative international sociology as well as its sister disciplines. We obtain these data from the World Bank (2007). Percent of the total population living in urban slum conditions is a relatively new measurement available from the UN-HABITAT UrbanInfo database (http://www.devinfo.info/urbaninfo/). For these estimates, an urban household is defined as a slum dwelling if it lacks one or more of the following: access to an improved water supply, access to improved sanitation, sufficient living area, and durability of construction. More specifically, an improved water supply is one that provides a

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sufficient quantity of water for family use (at least 20 liters/person/day), at an affordable price (less than 10% of total household income), without requiring extreme effort to obtain (less than one hour a day for the minimum sufficient quantity). In addition, an improved water supply consists of the following delivery systems: piped connection to house or plot, public stand pipe serving no more than 5 households, bore hole, protected dug well, protected spring, or rain water collection. Improved sanitation consists of a private or public toilet shared between a reasonable number of people. Improved sanitation consists of the following services: direct connection to public sewer, direct connection to a septic tank, pour flush latrine, or a ventilated pit latrine. A living area is considered sufficient if there are no more than 3 people per habitable room (minimum of 4 square meters of space). A dwelling is defined as durable if it is built in a nonhazardous location and exhibits structural qualities adequate to protect its inhabitants from the extremes of climatic conditions, including rain, heat, cold, and humidity. 3 Point estimates for the data are only available for less-developed countries for 1990 and 2005, which restricts the national representation and temporality of the current study. Other Independent Variables 4 Total population is measured in thousands of people. These data, which we obtain from the World Bank (2007), measure total population based on the de facto definition of population, which counts all residents regardless of legal status or 3

Since they are newly available and thus not employed in prior comparative research, we provide a relatively more detailed description of these data. All other measures used in the current study are quite common in prior work. 4 Given the construction of the dependent variable, we do not include measures of world economic integration in the form of energy imports or exports. Doing so would partly include the outcome as predictors. Further, while we would prefer to control for foreign direct investment in the manufacturing sector, those data are currently unavailable for the year 2005. 13

citizenship. Refugees not permanently settled in the country of asylum are generally considered to be part of the population of their country of origin. Social scientists working in the structural human ecology tradition argue that population is a key driver of scale-level environmental outcomes, including energy production and consumption (e.g., York 2007a, 2007b). Gross domestic product (GDP) per capita is included as a control for level of economic development. These data, which we gather from the World Bank (2007), are measured in 2000 U.S. dollars. Political-economic approaches, including the metabolic rift (e.g., Clark and York 2005), treadmill of production theory (e.g., Gould et al. 2008), and world-systems analysis (e.g., Roberts and Grimes 2002) all argue that development or affluence is a key macro-level driver of energy consumption as well as environmental degradation measured by scale or intensity. Adult Population, measured as the percent of the population aged 15-64, controls for the extent to which a nation’s population is adult and non-dependent. These data are accessed from the World Bank (2007). Structural human ecology (e.g., Dietz and Rosa 1994) posits that all else being equal nations with relatively larger non-dependent adult populations will consume greater amounts of energy. Manufacturing as percentage of total GDP controls for the extent to which a domestic economy is manufacturing-based. These data are gathered from the World Bank (2007). Conventional wisdom would suggest that—all else being equal—nations with relatively larger manufacturing sectors will use larger amounts of fossil fuels and other forms of energy and resources.

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Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations for the logged and differenced measures of the outcome and all independent variables are provided in the Appendix. The overall dataset is available from the authors upon request. Prior to discussing the findings for the regression analyses, we present scatterplots illustrating the association between energy consumption and both urban measures in their logged and differenced forms. Figure 1 consists of the scatterplot representing the bivariate association between the outcome and urban population as a percent of the total population. The scatterplot illustrating the relationship between energy consumption and the percent of the total population living in urban slum conditions is provided in Figure 2. Both associations are consistent with the above substantive arguments and stated hypotheses. Growth in energy consumption is positively associated with growth in urban population as a percent of the total population and negatively associated with growth in the percent total population living in urban slum conditions. As illustrated by the scatterplots as well as the correlations reported in the Appendix, both bivariate relationships are relatively moderate in strength. We now turn to the regression model estimates, which allow us to assess if the divergent associations identified in Figure 1 and Figure 2 hold, net of important controls.


Results The findings for the analyses are presented in Table 2. We provide unstandardized coefficients, which are flagged for statistical significance, as well as

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standard errors, standardized coefficients, and variance inflation factor scores for all predictors in each model. R-square values for each model are presented as well. We estimate 4 models. The first model, which we treat and label as a baseline, consists of total population, GDP per capita, adult population, and manufacturing as percent GDP. This baseline model allows for an initial assessment of the extent to which the employed controls contribute to growth in energy consumption. The next two models, labeled as Models 1 and 2, include the baseline controls as well as one of the urban predictors. The additional predictor in Model 1 is urban population as a percent of the total population, and we introduce percent of the total population living in urban slum conditions in Model 2. The final model, labeled as Model 3, is the most fully saturated of the series and consists of all 6 predictors. 5 We note that in unreported sensitivity analyses we estimate all four models with a robust regression procedure that employs iteratively reweighted least squares with Huber and biweight functions tuned for 95 percent Gaussian efficiency (Fox 2008). This is a conservative approach that down-weights the influence of outliers in residuals so that the results are not driven by one or a few cases, which given the current study’s limited sample size could be a concern. The findings of the sensitivity analyses are substantively identical to the reported estimates and available from the authors upon request.


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Elsewhere, we also control for services as percent GDP, different measures of democratization, and state strength in the form of government final consumption expenditures as a percent of GDP. These data are obtained from the World Bank (2007). The effects of the additional controls are all non-significant, and their inclusion does not substantively alter the reported findings of interest. 16

The results confirm both hypotheses. The effect of urban population growth on growth in energy consumption is positive, while growth in energy consumption is negatively associated with growth in the percent of the total population living in urban slum conditions. Models 1 through 3 illustrate the stability of the coefficients for both predictors as well as the non-triviality in their impacts on energy consumption. Thus, we find support for urban political-economy assertions concerning the divergent associations between the two urban characteristics and energy usage in less-developed countries. Considering that less-developed countries are experiencing the most rapid rates of growth in overall urbanization and mega-slums, and these patterns are projected to continue (e.g., Davis 2006; World Bank 2007), this research highlights the importance in taking a more nuanced approach in comparative international research on urban / environment relationships. However, while such inquiries are indeed warranted, the limited availability of appropriate data for various urban forms and processes poses serious challenges for conducting comparative research in this tradition. It is our hope that these particular challenges will soon be a problem of the past. Turning briefly to the other predictors, the effect of total population growth is positive, statistically significant, and relatively strong in magnitude. Given the outcome is growth in total energy consumption, this positive association is expected and consistent with prior research on scale-level environmental outcomes as well as key assertions of the structural human ecology approach. Likewise, the effects of both GDP per capita growth and adult population growth are positive and statistically significant in all models. The former is consistent with prior sociological research on energy as well as common propositions of more critical orientations, such as treadmill of production theory and

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world-systems theory, while the latter supports structural human ecology’s predictions concerning the effects of population age structure. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the effect of growth in manufacturing as a percent of GDP is non-significant in all models. While not the focus of the current study, we posit that the latter finding could largely be a function of the reduced sample size and / or the limitations in what the employed manufacturing variable actually measures.

Conclusion In this study we engaged urban political-economy and environmental sociology approaches to test two hypotheses concerning divergent associations between energy consumption and urban characteristics in a sample of less-developed countries. The results of the analyses confirmed both hypotheses: within less-developed countries, growth in energy consumption is positively associated with overall growth in the urban population and negatively associated with growth in the percentage of the total population living in urban slum conditions. These associations hold net of multiple human ecological and political-economic factors. There is a longstanding tradition in comparative international research focusing on resource use patterns and the environmental impacts of the relative size of urban populations. However, this study and its findings illustrate the importance of assessing the effects of different urban characteristics in macro-comparative contexts. While we considered only two urban characteristics and their divergent impacts in less-developed countries, readers should recall that in the contemporary era the nations with the most rapidly urbanizing populations and those with the biggest urban mega-slums are located

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in the Global South (e.g., UN-HABITAT 2003a, 2003b). Further, while energy consumption levels are highest in developed countries, from 1990-2005—which is the period of focus in the reported analyses—energy consumption grew by slightly over 82 percent in all less-developed countries combined while the developed countries as a whole experienced close to a 6.5 percent increase (World Bank 2007; World Resources Institute 2005). Even though current data availability limitations disallowed us from considering the potential effects of other urban characteristics on energy consumption, these patterns and the undeniable impact of energy consumption on climate change underscore the non-triviality of the current study. Nonetheless, we would certainly prefer to consider additional urban factors and hope that appropriate data will soon become available, thereby allowing for more thorough investigations of such human / environment relationships in comparative international perspective. While one of the key findings of this research suggests that the expansion of urban slums suppresses growth in energy consumption in less-developed countries, one must keep in mind that the rapid growth of urban mega-slums is a material expression of the displacement of rural people from the land as well as the urbanization of poverty amidst insufficient, and often declining, provisioning of public services (e.g., Rice 2008b). These dynamics and their underpinnings are the result of long-term historical and structural characteristics of an unequal world with vast inequalities between developed and less-developed countries as well as the interrelated inequalities within the nations of the Global South. In other words, the negative association between energy consumption and the proportion of the total population living in urban slum conditions in less-developed countries is largely a consequence of the limited opportunities and

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extreme poverty experienced by much of humanity. Suggesting that the noted association is at all encouraging or beneficial from a sustainability perspective would ignore the relationships between resource use and social-structural inequalities as well as the similarities in their underlying causes (see also Jorgenson and Clark 2009; McMichael 2008; Rice 2008; Roberts and Parks 2007). Furthermore, the finding that overall urbanization tends to increase energy consumption raises serious concerns regarding the organization of cities and issues associated with environmental sustainability (Rees and Wackernagel 1996) as it relates to energy consumption and the increasing concentration of greenhouse gases. More simply, (un)sustainability in its various manifestations is a complex issue with both human and environmental implications. Research and policy prescriptions ignoring either have potentially devastating consequences for both.

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25

Appendix Descriptive Statistics and Correlations for All Variables Included in the Analyses Mean Total Energy Consumption .488 Total Population .297 GDP per capita .246 Adult Population .086 Manufacturing as Percent GDP -.133 Urban Population as Percent Total Population .179 Percent Total Population Living in Urban Slum Conditions -.002

SD .197 .104 .306 .052 .296 .130 .535

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Notes: all variables are difference scores of logged point estimates for 1990 and 2005; N = 57

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

.030 .528 .322 .389 .294 -.152

-.402 -.188 .086 .109 .404

.247 .419 .209 -.201

.230 -.014 -.025

.207 -.148

.331

Figure 1

Note: both variables are logged and differenced, 1990-2005

Figure 2

Note: both variables are logged and differenced, 1990-2005

Table 1. Countries Included in the Analyses

Algeria Angola Argentina Bangladesh Benin Bolivia Botswana Brazil China Colombia Congo Costa Rica Democratic Republic of Congo Dominican Republic Ecuador Egypt El Salvador Ethiopia Gabon Ghana Guatemala Haiti Honduras India Indonesia Iran Jamaica Jordan Kenya

Malaysia Mexico Morocco Nepal Nicaragua Nigeria Pakistan Panama Paraguay Peru Philippines Senegal South Africa Sri Lanka Sudan Syrian Arab Republic Tanzania Thailand Togo Trinidad and Tobago Tunisia Turkey Uruguay Venezuela Viet Nam Yemen Zambia Zimbabwe

Table 2. Unstandardized Coefficients for the Regression of Total Energy Consumption on Selected Independent Variables: Relative Change (Logged and Differenced) Model Estimates for 57 Less-Developed Countries, 1990-2005 Baseline

Model 1

Model 2

Model 3

Total Population

.546** (.281) .288 [1.347]

.492** (.276) .259 [1.389]

.702** (.296) .370 [1.625]

.700*** (.269) .369 [1.626]

GDP per capita

.357*** (.098) .556 [1.593]

.332*** (.096) .517 [1.669]

.364*** (.098) .567 [1.598]

.327*** (.095) .509 [1.671]

Adult Population

.827** (.486) .220 [1.114]

.863** (.475) .229 [1.118]

.895** (.499) .238 [1.127]

.991** (.485) .264 [1.142]

Manufacturing as Percent GDP

.054 (.083) .080 [1.385]

.044 (.082) .066 [1.395]

.026 (.083) .038 [1.456]

-.005 (.078) -.008 [1.503]

Urban Population as Percent Total Population

.222* (.151) .147 [1.107]

Percent Total Population Living in Urban Slum Conditions

R-square

.404

.424

.369*** (.150) .243 [1.289] -.065* (.042) -.177 [1.265]

-.101*** (.037) -.274 [1.474]

.429

.475

Notes: unstandardized coefficients flagged for statistical significance; *p<.10 **p<.05 ***p<.01 (one-tailed) standard errors in parentheses; standardized coefficients in italics; variance inflation factor scores in brackets

Cities, Slums, and Energy Consumption in Less ...

Lake City, UT 84112; Phone: (801) 581-8093; FAX: (801) 585-3784; email: .... soil nutrient cycle) in environmental sustainability as natural systems are stressed and/or .... We acknowledge the relatively small number of countries included in the analyses, ..... Office.” Human Ecology Review 13:143-147. York, Richard. 2007a.

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