April, Week 3

Weekly Important articles 2017 This issue includes analysis of –    

BHIM-Aadhaar will be an economic giant SC refers anti-defection law issue to larger Bench Beijing‘s Belt-Road plan overshadows BCIM meet Maoism problem of India

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 BHIM-Aadhaar will be an economic giant 

Why in News 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched the BHIM-Aadhaar (a digital payment platform that uses the Aadhaar number) in Nagpur on Friday on the occasion of the 126th birth anniversary of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.





BHIM 







BHIM (Bharat Interface for Money) is a Mobile App developed by National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI), based on the Unified Payment Interface (UPI). It has been named after Bhim Rao Ambedkar and is intended to facilitate e-payments directly through banks and as part of the 2016 Indian banknote demonetisation and drive towards cashless transactions. This UPI app supports all Indian banks which use that platform, which is built over the Immediate Payment Service infrastructure and allows the user to instantly transfer money between the bank accounts of any two parties. It can be used on all mobile devices.



Critical Appraisal of BHIM  





Benefits of BHIM 



BHIM allow users to send or receive money to other UPI payment addresses or scanning QR code or account number with IFSC code or MMID (Mobile Money Identifier) Code to users who do not have a UPI-based bank account. BHIM allows users to check current balance in their bank accounts and to choose which bank account to use for conducting transactions, although only one can be active at any time.

Users can create their own QR code for a fixed amount of money, which is helpful in merchant — seller — buyer transactions. They can also have more than one payment address. If the 12-digit Aadhaar is listed as a payment ID on the BHIM app will not require any biometric authentication or prior registration with the bank or Unified Payment Interface (UPI). Version 1.3 allows the user to use mobile numbers from their contact book to send money and also save payment addresses for future use without needing to type the address again. User can also check the Previous Transaction History by Tapping Transaction Box. Here only the transaction through BHIM shown







BHIM keeps user onboarding simple. Users choose a language (currently English or Hindi, with other languages coming soon) and set a 4-digit PIN (personal identification number). The app sends an SMS for verification, and when done, displays a list of bank accounts that are supported. Users can pick an account for which they have enabled mobile banking, and BHIM automatically configures that as the account for receiving money. The system uses the mobile number as the default ID, though users can create an ID of @upi if they wish to. This flow resembles the onboarding of apps like WhatsApp that they‘re likely to be familiar with, meaning there‘s a lesser chance of drop-offs during set-up. Good design also lets people start and finish key activities quickly.

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 





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BHIM‘s screen shows icons to let users send money, receive money and scan a QR (quick response) code to pay. Users can type in a mobile number and do a look-up within the app to pay someone. If the recipient also has BHIM installed, BHIM pulls up details and allows users to send money in a couple of taps. Alternatively, users can scan a QR code within the app to make payments. Interestingly, BHIM allows generation of QR codes for specific amounts within the app. These can be printed and pasted or displayed. When users scan this code, the account details and transfer amount are both pre-filled, allowing for one-tap payment. This can have interesting applications in retail stores, allowing users to selfcheckout items if required. Users can check bank account balance and see transaction history. To replace cash-on-delivery use cases, BHIM allows users to send a collect request with an expiry date—recipients can authorize payment after receiving their purchased items. Users can change the selected bank account, but this option is hidden under a menu, as the target segment is unlikely to have multiple bank accounts.

 



BHIM does have its points of friction. Users need to enter the UPI PIN for their banking app before BHIM allows sending money from the account. This may be different from the BHIM PIN, potentially confusing users. The BHIM app occasionally hangs when starting up, and is often slow or unresponsive.

It‘s also strange that there is no easy ‗sign out‘ option and that hitting the back button on the home screen minimizes it instead of logging the user off. This is a security concern, as most users will not realize that they are still signed in.

Given that BHIM targets first-time digital payment users, the simplicity of the design is its standout feature. It does what it aims to do, and keeps things simple. For a technology product, that‘s a refreshing approach to take.

About Aadhaar 









Certain Hitches 





Aadhaar is a 12 digit unique-identity number issued to all Indian residents based on their biometric and demographic data. The data is collected by the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), a statutory authority establishedby the Government of India. It is set up under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, under the provisions of the Aadhaar Act 2016.

Aadhaar is the world's largest biometric ID system, with over 1.133 billion enrolled members as of 31 March 2017. As of this date, over 99% of Indians aged 18 and above had been enrolled in Aadhaar. Aadhaar is not a proof of citizenship, and does not itself grant any rights to domicile in India.

Story before Adhaar Act 

Prior to the enactment of the Act, UIDAI functioned as an attached office of

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Planning Commission (now NITI Aayog) since 28 January 2009. On 3 March 2016, a money bill was introduced in the Parliament to give legislative backing to Aadhaar. On 11 March 2016, the Aadhaar Act 2016 was passed in the Lok Sabha.On 26 March 2016, this Act was notified in the Gazette of India.

Present stand of Supreme court on Adhaar 













As of April 2017, a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court of India is considering the legal validity of Aadhaar on right to privacy grounds. On 23 September 2013, the Supreme Court issued an interim order saying that "no person should suffer for not getting Aadhaar" as the government cannot deny a service to a resident if s/he does not possess Aadhaar, as it is voluntary and not mandatory. In another interim order on 11 August 2015, the Supreme Court of India ruled that "UIDAI/Aadhaar will not be used for any other purposes except PDS, kerosene and LPG distribution system". This order was later amended to include Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Gurantee Scheme, all types of pensions schemes, employee provident fund and the Prime Minister Jan Dhan Yojana. It was made it clear that even for availing these facilities Aadhaar card will not be mandatory. On 27 March 2017, the Supreme Court affirmed that Aadhaar can not be mandatory for availing benefits under welfare schemes, though it can be mandatory for other purposes (such as income tax filings, bank accounts etc). Some civil liberty groups, like Citizens Forum for Civil Liberties and Indian Social Action Forum (INSAF), have opposed the project on privacy concerns

About UIDAI 











The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) is a statutory authority established on 12 July 2016 by the Government of India under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, under the provisions of the Aadhaar Act 2016. The UIDAI is mandated to assign a 12digit unique identification (UID) number (termed as Aadhaar) to all the residents of India. The implementation of UID scheme entails :  generation and assignment of UID to residents;  defining mechanisms and processes for interlinking UID with partner databases;  operation and management of all stages of UID life cycle;  framing policies and procedures for updation mechanism and defining usage and  applicability of UID for delivery of various services among others. The number is linked to the resident's basic demographic and biometric information such as photograph, ten fingerprints and two iris scans, which are stored in a centralised database. The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) was initially set up by the Government of India in January 2009, as an attached office under aegis of Planning Commission vide its a gazette notification. As per the notification, the UIDAI was given the responsibility:  to lay down plan and policies to implement UID scheme,  to own and operate the UID database and

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be responsible for its updation and maintenance on an ongoing basis.

Impediments and other concerns related to Adhaar Bill Allowing private agencies to use Aadhaar contradicts statement of objects and reasons of the Bill 







Potential to profile individuals 

The Statement of Objects and Reasons of the Bill states that identification of targeted beneficiaries for delivery of various government subsidies and services has become a challenge for the government. At the time of the introduction of the Bill, the government stated that ―the Bill confines itself only to governmental expenditure.‖ However, the Bill also allows private persons to use Aadhaar as a proof of identity for any purpose.





Issues with sharing information collected under Aadhaar 

 

The provisions in the Bill with regard to protection of identity information and authentication records may be affected by an ongoing writ petition in the Supreme Court. The petition claims that Aadhaar may be in violation of right to privacy. A five-judge Bench of the court is examining whether right to privacy is a fundamental right.



The provisions regulating disclosure of private information under the Bill differ from guidelines specified under another law — the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885. The Bill differs from the guidelines for phone tapping in two ways.

The Bill does not specifically prohibit law enforcement and intelligence agencies from using the Aadhaar number as a link (key) across various datasets (such as telephone records, air travel records, etc.) in order to recognise patterns of behaviour. Techniques such as running computer programmes across datasets for pattern recognition can be used for various purposes such as detecting potential illegal activities. However, these can also lead to harassment of innocent individuals who get identified incorrectly as potential threats.

UID authority’s exclusive power to make complaints 



Disclosure of information to intelligence or law enforcement agencies 

First, the Bill permits sharing in the interest of ‗national security‘ rather than for public emergency or public safety. Second, the order can be issued by an officer of the rank of Joint Secretary, instead of a Home Secretary.



A provision says, ―Courts cannot take cognizance of any offence punishable under the Act, unless a complaint is made by the UID authority, or a person authorised by it.‖ This may present a conflict of interest as under the Bill the UID authority is responsible for the security and confidentiality of identity information and authentication records. There may be situations in which members or employees of the UID authority are responsible for a security breach.

\

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Discretionary powers of UIDAI 





The Bill empowers the UID authority to specify demographic information that may be collected. The only restriction imposed on the authority is that it shall not record information pertaining to race, religion, caste, language, records of entitlements, income or health of the individual. This power will allow the authority to collect additional personal information, without prior approval from Parliament.

Collection of personal information 



The enrolment form currently being used contains fields for capturing information such as the National Population Register (NPR) receipt number, mobile number, and bank account number. Though these fields are labelled ‗optional‘, it is unclear why this additional information is being recorded.

Ambiguity information 





in

specifying



Instead it allows the UID authority to specify this through regulations. Maintaining authentication records over a long time period may be misused for activities such as profiling an individual‘s behaviour.

Recent Articles http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tpnational/bhim-aadhaar-will-be-an-economicgiant-pm/article18036149.ece http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news /politics-and-nation/bhim-aadhaar-willrevolutionise-indian-economy-empowerindians-pm-narendramodi/articleshow/58182786.cms http://moneyconnexion.com/bhim-aadhaarapp.htm

biometric

The Bill specifies biometric information to include photograph, fingerprints, and iris scans. Further it empowers the UID authority to specify other biological information that may be collected. Therefore, the Bill does not prevent the UID authority from requiring the collection of biometric information such as DNA.

Time period for maintaining authentication records 

The Bill does not specify the maximum duration for which authentication records may be stored by the UID authority. Created with ❤ by ForumIAS.com - The Knowledge Network for Civil Services. Visit http://forumias.com | New! http://forumias.academy - Prelims & Mains Test Series

SC refers anti-defection law issue to larger Bench The issue in News Will the anti-defection law apply to expelled members of either Houses of Parliament or Legislative Assemblies? 



Twenty-one years ago, the Supreme Court had concluded in G. Viswanathan versus Hon‘ble Speaker, Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly that a legislator expelled from his party shall be deemed to have ―voluntarily given up‖ his membership of that party who got him elected and nominated him to the House. This legal fiction of deeming him to continue in the party post-election as an ―unattached member‖ makes him therefore vulnerable to disqualification from the House on the ground of defection under the Tenth Schedule (anti-defection law) of the Constitution.

Still susceptible 





Under the Viswanathan judgment, the expelled legislator would still be susceptible to the ―whims and fancies‖ of the leaders of the party which threw him out despite the fact that subsequently, after his expulsion, he had gone ahead and formed his own political party.





Seven Questions referred to a larger Bench 1. Status in either House of Parliament or the State Legislatures of a member expelled by his party? 2. Will the provisions of the Tenth Schedule to the Constitution apply to such a member? 3. Was the view taken in G. Viswanathan‘s case as regards expelled MPs and MLAs





in harmony with the Tenth Schedule correct? 4. Is the decision in G. Viswanathan‘s case that expelled legislators must be ―deemed to continue‖ to belong to the party which threw them out correct? 5. Can explanation (a) to paragraph 2(1) of the Tenth Schedule be extended to include Members of the two Houses of Parliament who are expelled from their parties? 6. When an expelled MP or MLA either joins another political party or forms his own party, can it be said that he had voluntarily given up his membership of the party in view of the legal fiction created by Explanation (a) to paragraph 2 (1) of the Tenth Schedule ? 7. What is the status of an ‖unattached‖ Member in either House of Parliament or in the State Legislatures ?‖ In August 2016, the Supreme Court refrained from adjudicating the constitutional question in expelled Samajwadi Party leaders Amar Singh and Jaya Pradha‘s case. The court had then found the issue ‗infructuous‘ as both leaders had by that time completed their tenure in Parliament. But Mr. Singh, whose political career has come a full circle with his re-induction into the Samajwadi Party and has a tenure in Parliament till July 2022, returned to the Supreme Court. He asked the court to take a second look at the question of status of an expelled legislator with regards to the Tenth Schedule and lay down the law. Mr. Singh, represented by senior advocate C.U. Singh, contended that the application of Tenth Schedule to an expelled legislator is violative of the Basic Structure of the Constitution. Picking up from where it dropped the case last year in August, a Supreme Court Bench of Justices Dipak Misra and A.M.

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Khanwilkar on Monday agreed to refer Mr. Singh‘s petition to a an ―appropriate larger Bench.‖ Question still alive 











Justice Misra‘s Bench observed in a seven-page order that the fate of expelled legislators and the Sword of Damocles that hangs over them ―remains to be dealt with as the same has not been answered with the efflux of time... the question remains alive today.‖ At the centre of the controversy is the Supreme Court‘s interpretation of paragraph 2(1) of the Tenth Schedule in the Viswanathan judgment of 1996. The court held that even if a member was thrown out or expelled from the party, for the purposes of the Tenth Schedule he would not cease to be a member of the political party that had set him up as a candidate for the election. He would continue to belong to that political party even if he was treated as ―unattached.‖ The court had held that the act of voluntarily giving up the membership of the political party may be either ―express or implied.‖ ―When a person who has been thrown out or expelled from the party which set him up as as a candidate and got elected, joins another [new] party, it will certainly amount to his voluntarily giving up the membership of the political party which had set him up as a candidate for election as such member,‖ the Viswanathan judgment had held.

About Anti Defection Law 

The anti-defection law was passed by parliament in 1985.







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Twenty-five years down the road, it is pertinent to trace the several modifications and to evaluate how well the law has worked. The 52nd amendment to the Constitution added the Tenth Schedule which laid down the process by which legislators may be disqualified on grounds of defection. A member of parliament or state legislature was deemed to have defected if he either voluntarily resigned from his party or disobeyed the directives of the party leadership on a vote. That is, they may not vote on any issue in contravention to the party‘s whip. Independent members would be disqualified if they joined a political party. Nominated members who were not members of a party could choose to join a party within six months; after that period, they were treated as a party member or independent member. The law also made a few exceptions. Any person elected as speaker or chairman could resign from his party, and rejoin the party if he demitted that post. A party could be merged into another if at least two-thirds of its party legislators voted for the merger. The law initially permitted splitting of parties, but that has now been outlawed.

Experience so far 



In the 24 years of this law, complaints have been made against 62 Lok Sabha MPs. Of these, 26 were disqualified. It is pertinent to note that ten of these disqualifications were after the trust vote of July 2008 (over India-US civil nuclear co-operation).

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Four cases were made against Rajya Sabha MPs (two in 1989 and two in 2008) and all were upheld. In state legislatures, up to 2004, out of 268 complaints, 113 were upheld.





Challenges and Interpretations 

The anti-defection law raises a number of questions, several of which have been addressed by the courts and the presiding officers.

Does the law impinge on the right of free speech of the legislators? 





This issue was addressed by the fivejudge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court in 1992 (Kihoto Hollohan vs Zachilhu and others). The court said that ―the anti-defection law seeks to recognise the practical need to place the proprieties of political and personal conduct…above certain theoretical assumptions.‖ It held that the law does not violate any rights or freedoms, or the basic structure of parliamentary democracy.

What constitutes “voluntarily” resigning from a party? 



Various judgements and orders indicate that a member who publicly opposes the party or states his support for another party would be deemed to have resigned from his party. News reports may be used as evidence for this purpose.

Can the decision of the presiding officer be challenged in the courts?  

The law states that the decision is final and not subject to judicial review. The Supreme Court struck down part of this condition.

It held that there may not be any judicial intervention until the presiding officer gives his order. However, the final decision is subject to appeal in the High Courts and Supreme Court.

Issues for consideration 





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Should the law be valid for all votes or only for those that determine the stability of the government (such as the confidence and no-confidence motions)? The main intent of the law was to deter ―the evil of political defections‖ by legislators motivated by lure of office or other similar considerations. However, loss of membership is hardly a penalty in cases ahead of the scheduled time of general elections. It also loses significance if the House is likely to be dissolved. On the other hand, the voting behaviour may be affected even on issues not related to the stability of the government. A member may be unable to express his actual belief or the interests of his constituents. Therefore, a case may be made for restricting the law to confidence and noconfidence motions. The Dinesh Goswami Committee on electoral reforms (1990) recommended this change, while the Law Commission (170th report, 1999) suggested that political parties issue whips only when the government was in danger.

Should the law apply only to pre-poll alliances? 

The rationale that a representative is elected on the basis of the party‘s programme can be extended to pre-poll alliances.

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The Law Commission proposed this change with the condition that partners of such alliances inform the Election Commission before the elections.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/indianews/larger-supreme-court-bench-to-hearanti-defection-case/story6HicVabAIHD937BtHCnqWM.html

Should the judgement be made by the presiding officers?

https://1news.in/sc-refers-anti-defectionlaw-issue-to-larger-bench/



http://www.prsindia.org/media/articles-byprs-team/in-parliament-part-1-961/

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Several MPs had raised this issue at the time of passage of the law. The Supreme Court upheld the law in the Kihoto Hollohon judgment. The Goswami Committee, the Election Commission and the Venkatachaliah Commission to Review the Constitution (2002) have recommended that the decision should be made by the president or the governor on the advice of the Election Commission. This would be similar to the process for disqualification on grounds of office of profit.

Should there be any additional penalties on defectors? 



The Venkatachaliah Commission recommended that defectors should be barred from holding any ministerial or remunerative political office for the remaining term of the House. It also said that the vote of any defector should not be counted in a confidence or no-confidence motion.

There is no ambiguity in the legality of current provisions related to these issues. Any change would require legislative action. There is, however, need for public debate on the working of the anti-defection law. Recent Articles http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/s c-refers-anti-defection-law-issue-to-largerbench/article18080690.ece Created with ❤ by ForumIAS.com - The Knowledge Network for Civil Services. Visit http://forumias.com | New! http://forumias.academy - Prelims & Mains Test Series

mentioned concept on People's Daily in 2016.

Beijing’s Belt-Road plan overshadows BCIM meet

Silk Road Economic Belt Issue in News 





The two-day meeting of the Joint Study Group, a sub-regional group of the BCIM, is to review economic integration of the region focussing on trade and energy cooperation while facilitating the construction of an economic corridor from Kumning in south-west China to Kolkata. However, none of the sides are very hopeful about the outcome of the Kolkata meeting.





About Belt Road Plan 











The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road also known as the Belt and Road (abbreviated B&R), One Belt, One Road or the Belt and Road Initiative. It is a development strategy and framework, proposed by Chinese paramount leader Xi Jinping that focuses on connectivity and cooperation among countries primarily between the People's Republic of China and the rest of Eurasia. It consists of two main components, the land-based "Silk Road Economic Belt" (SREB) and oceangoing "Maritime Silk Road" (MSR). The strategy underlines China's push to take a bigger role in global affairs, and its need for priority capacity cooperation in areas such as steel manufacturing. It was unveiled in September and October 2013 in announcements revealing the SREB and MSR, respectively. It was also promoted by Premier Li Keqiang during the State visit in Asia and Europe. It was the most frequently













Essentially, the 'belt' includes countries situated on the original Silk Road through Central Asia, West Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. The initiative calls for the integration of the region into a cohesive economic area through building infrastructure, increasing cultural exchanges, and broadening trade. Apart from this zone, which is largely analogous to the historical Silk Road, another area that is said to be included in the extension of this 'belt' is South Asia and Southeast Asia. Many of the countries that are part of this belt are also members of the Chinaled Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). North, central and south belts are proposed. The North belt goes through Central Asia, Russia to Europe. The Central belt goes through Central Asia, West Asia to the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean. The South belt starts from China to Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Indian Ocean. The Central belt has been neglected recently due to complex religion problems and separation movement along the belt. The Chinese One Belt strategy will integrate with Central Asia through Kazakhstan's Nurly Zhol infrastructure program.

Maritime Silk Road 

The Maritime Silk Road, also known as the "21st Century Maritime Silk Road"is a complementary initiative aimed at investing and fostering collaboration in Southeast Asia, Oceania, and North

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Africa, through several contiguous bodies of water – the South China Sea, the South Pacific Ocean, and the wider Indian Ocean area. Like its sister initiative the Silk Road Economic Belt, most countries in this area have joined the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.

Criticism 











A report from Fitch Ratings suggests that China's plan to built ports, roads and railways in under-developed Eurasia and Africa is out of political motivation rather than real demand for infrastructure. Fitch also doubts Chinese banks' ability to control risks, as they do not have a good record of allocating resources efficiently at home, which may lead to new asset-quality problems for Chinese banks that most of funding is likely to come from. One Belt One Road is believed to be a way to extend Chinese influence at the expense of the US, in order to fight for regional leadership in Asia. The one trillion USD estimated project can be considered a masterstroke by China to establish itself as a worldleading economy and to spread its power, particularly in the South Asian region. China has already invested billions of dollars in several South Asian countries like Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan to improve their basic infrastructure, with important implications for both China‘s trade regime as well as its military influence. The possibility of China creating hegemony in the South Asian region could lead to India‘s encirclement and eventual isolation.

About BCIM The Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar Forum for Regional Cooperation (BCIM) is a subregional organization of Asian nations aimed at greater integration of trade and investment between the four countries. BCIM Economic Corridor 









The Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar Economic Corridor is an initiative conceptualized for significant gains through sub-regional economic cooperation within the BCIM. The multi-modal corridor will be the first expressway between India and China and will pass through Myanmar and Bangladesh. These advantages are envisaged to accrue from greater market access for  goods,  services and energy,  elimination of non-tariff barriers,  better trade facilitation,  investment in infrastructure development,  joint exploration and development of mineral,  water,  and other natural resources,  development of value and supply chains based on comparative advantages, By translating comparative advantages into competitive advantages, and through closer people to people contact. The proposed corridor will cover 1.65 million square kilometres, encompassing an estimated 440 million people in:  China's Yunnan province,  Bangladesh,  Myanmar,

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and West Bengal in Eastern India through the combination of road, rail, water and air linkages in the region. This interconnectedness would facilitate the cross-border flow of people and goods, minimize overland trade obstacles, ensure greater market access and increase multilateral trade.

http://indianexpress.com/article/india/me et-in-kolkata-china-pushes-for-intergovernmental-mechanism-for-bcimeconomic-corridor-4628361/ http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/chinafor-inter-governmental-mechanism-for-bcimcorridor/1/937813.html

Benefits of the corridor 

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The economic advantages of the BCIM trade corridor are considerable, most notably:  Access to numerous markets in Southeast Asia,  Improvement of transportation infrastructure and  Creation of industrial zones. The construction of industrial zones will have a twofold benefit. Firstly, it will lead to industrial transfer boosting industries such as processing, manufacturing and commerce logistics. Secondly, as labour costs rise in China, labour-intensive industries such as textile and agro processing will eventually be shifted out of China. These industries will need to be transferred to new regions with lower labour costs. Companies operating in China will likely give priority to the trade corridor region given its established infrastructure, improved logistics and ease of access. India‘s isolated eastern and north-eastern states also stand to gain by higher trade and connectivity with China and the rest of Asia.

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Maoism problem of India



The issue in News 



Extremists target 74th battalion in Chhattisgarh‘s Sukma district Jawans were sanitizing the area for a road construction project10-12 Maoists were shot dead in retaliatory firing by security men. The attack took place when a team of around 100 men, belonging to the 74th battalion of the CRPF, based at the Burkapal camp on the DornapalJagargunda road in south Sukma, was out to provide protection for road construction work in the area.

WHO ARE THE MAOISTS? 

 

 

The Maoists, also known as Naxals in India, are inspired by the political philosophy of China‘s late Chairman Mao Zedong. They say they are fighting for the rights of poor farmers and landless labourers. In 2004, several Maoist groups merged to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist), which is now the largest leftwing extremist organization in the country. Their aim is to overthrow the state and usher in a classless society. The Maoists are banned in India. They are not to be confused with the mainstream communist parties in India who regularly get elected to legislatures and parliament.







On April 6, 2010, the rebels killed at least 75 policemen in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh. The same year, Maoists were blamed for a sabotaging a crowded train in West Bengal, with around 100 passengers killed when it derailed. Maoists have also kidnapped bureaucrats and foreigners to force their demands on the state. Government data shows they have also destroyed hundreds of schools and infrastructure such as telephone towers.

HOW MANY PEOPLE HAVE DIED SO FAR? 

It is difficult to arrive at an exact number but government data shows nearly 8,000 people have been killed between 2001 and 2012.

HOW DID THIS MOVEMENT BEGIN? 





The peasant movement in Andhra Pradesh just after India‘s independence was a precursor to the rise of Maoist thought. But it was an attack on a tribal man in the Naxalbari village of West Bengal on March 2, 1967 that sparked the violent, extremist left-wing movement. A police research paper says the movement was subdued for two decades till 1991.

ARE THEY GETTING STRONGER?  

The May 25, 2013 ambush was perhaps their most brazen attack on politicians. On June 13, 2013, Maoists attacked a passenger train in Bihar, killing three people.

ARE MAOISTS GETTING FOREIGN HELP? 

Media reports suggest the Maoists may be getting training and support from China. There are also reports of their links with Maoist cadres in Nepal, the Philippines and Turkey.

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IS THE WHOLE OF INDIA AFFECTED? 



No. Maoists are mostly active in what has come to be known as the ―red corridor‖ from Andhra Pradesh in the south to West Bengal in the east. But they do have some sort of presence in 21 out of 28 states in India.

HOW MANY MAOIST REBELS ARE THERE?  



Various estimates suggest Maoist rebels could number up to 40,000. Of these, thousands may be armed with weapons ranging from AK-47s to light machine-guns raided from police stations or bought from dealers in Nepal. The cadre mostly comprises farmers, landless labourers, tribals and the extremely poor, including women and children.

DEMANDS AND OBJECTIVES 





ARE SOME CONTROL?   



AREAS

UNDER

MAOIST

Some small remote regions in eastern India are under Maoist influence. Many officials do not want to be posted in Maoist-dominated areas. The government has repeatedly referred to areas being reclaimed from Maoist control. In these ―liberated zones‖, Maoists run their own people‘s court (62 Jan Adalats were held last year) and levy taxes on traders.





Citing the goals of the agrarian movement and the "land to the tiller" slogan, the main aim of the Naxalites is to change the present system of India's governance, and to establish socialistcommunist rule. The CPI-Maoists call this a "democratic revolution, which would remain directed against imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism", according to a press release cited by the South Asian Terrorism Portal. In order to succeed in their mission, the Naxalites are reportedly working to build a base of popular support, tackling socio-economic problems such as the failure of governance, getting involved in anti-mining agitation, and fighting land acquisition and discrimination based on caste. They establish bases in remote areas, among poor and impoverished communities. These areas are usually in the forested and mountainous parts of southern, central and eastern India; home to about 84 million tribal or indigenous Adivasi people.

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 







They are subsistence farmers, and many live in extreme poverty, with a lack of basic services. The Maoists say they have taken up the Adivasi cause. The lack of basic amenities, including roads, healthcare, education, drinking water and effective governance provides the Maoists with an ideal community in which to propagate ideas of a "new democratic revolution". In many of the "liberated areas", they have organised the Adivasis and taken up community projects to provide services the government doesn't. In 2010, Al Jazeera visited one such village, Tholkobad in Jharkhand state, where under the name of the "agrarian revolution", the Maoists were providing support to the villagers to improve farming methods. One village leader told Al Jazeera that the Maoists frequently visited their villages, and treated everyone equally.



IS THE GOVERNMENT TALKING TO THE MAOISTS? 







DONE

ABOUT

 

THIS

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has repeatedly referred to Naxalism as India‘s single biggest internal security challenge. Governments – both state and central – are tackling the problem on two fronts: development in remote areas and security. While law and order is essentially a state issue, the central government has a Naxal Management Division that provides funds, additional security forces, logistics and coordinates between states. The government‘s strategy has been criticised as being weak, ill-conceived and even unsympathetic towards tribals.

The Andhra Pradesh government initiated peace talks in 2004 but the ceasefire did not hold for long. The Maoists made an offer in 2010 but the central government rejected it.

THE WAY FORWARD

 WHAT IS BEING PROBLEM?

There is debate over involving the army and the air force to drive out Maoists hiding in dense forests.

 

 

Tackling the problem in an effective way requires a multilayered approach. If poverty is the context rather than the direct cause for the growing strength of the Naxalite movement, then the same must be said about India's industrialisation regime, which is threatening to displace large numbers of people without providing commensurate employment. Civil society and intellectuals believe that India must engage in greater dialogue between all stakeholders, and that villagers who face the direct threat of losing their livelihoods should be compensated accordingly. The state's use of excessive force is also cited frequently. "The security dimension should emphasise a calibrated use of legitimate force," said PV Ramana, a research fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis in New Delhi. "Neither security nor development should be overemphasised at the cost of the other." The government's fight against Naxalites often seems to be counterproductive. Ironically, the Maoists owe much of their growing support to the

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government's counterinsurgency campaign. This has effectively elevated a movement with local roots into one with a national presence. The need for political reforms and the rooting out of alleged corruption from the system is another key element of the problem. In a survey conducted in August 2010 by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, 49 percent of Red Corridor residents support the government. Some 76 percent want the political system reformed, while 60 percent say they have faith in the democratic process. The Indian government has been pumping millions of dollars into the areas hardest hit in a bid to bring about socio-economic change, as part of a strategy to win hearts and minds. But activists say that without any effort to change the basic structure of exploitation - in which, they say, the local government colludes with business interests to make decisions without consulting villagers - it is unlikely that this money will yield much that is useful.

encounter-in-chhattisgarh/storyzhvoqjdt5djW8aLpZpMCGJ.html

Recent Articles http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/s ukma-encounter-attackers-took-away-radiosets-survivors-couldnt-call-forhelp/articleshow/58352255.cms http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/in-worstattack-in-years-26-crpf-men-killed-bynaxals-in-chhattisgarh-10-developments1685420 http://www.hindustantimes.com/indianews/6-crpf-men-injured-in-maoistCreated with ❤ by ForumIAS.com - The Knowledge Network for Civil Services. Visit http://forumias.com | New! http://forumias.academy - Prelims & Mains Test Series

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