Contemporary Sociology: An Islamic Critique Ilyas Ba-Yunus

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Conûemporary Sociology: An Islamic Critique Iþas Ba-Yunus

Contemporary sociology is one of the most recent contributions that Western It is not only one of the youngest, but also perhaps the most all-encompassing of all the sciences that strive to understand human behavior in social interaction. Sociologists have concerned themselves with the processes of consensus and conflict, cooperation and conflict, organization and disorganization, conformity and deviance, order

civilization has made to human understanding.

and change, and other phenomena that fall within the preview of human society. On the one hand, they have focussed on interpersonal relationships in small group qituations. On the other, they have studied processes of larger magnitude generaûed within the larger human society. Polity, economy, education, fami-

ly, v¡ar, peace, law, justice, religion, crime, birth, death, migration, recreation-whatever human beings do in relation with other human beings has been considered to be a bonafide area of sociological enquiry Lately, with the developments in industry and commerce, as human relationships have become more. complex and problematical, sociologists have been increasingly called upon to serve as planners, analysts, advisors and administrators in addition to their normal cargers as college teachers and professgrs. In short, demand for sociologists has increased with the increase in the problems of society. A quick survey of sociological offerings like criminology, military sociology, industrial sociology, .sociology of education, demography, and population, shows us how sociologists have been selling their discipline in the market place of their problem-ridden societies. On the ottier hand, the lay perception of sociologists has been varied. Some look at sociologists as social philosophers or armchair theorists. Others regard sociologists as sociologists and therefore radicals and rabble rousers. Many think sociologists teach one to be sociable. Those who tend to diyorce social from economic and political affairs take sociologists to be experts in family affairs and child socialization or,in education and olher every day affairs. In fact, a sociologist may fit any,of these impressions. On the other hand,

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Islam: Source and Purpose of Knowledge

he may not possess any of these qualities and expertise. Depending upon one's

specialization, one may be oriented toward grand theory or more interested in testing hypotheses by collecting and generating data. One may or may not be a socialist. In fact, some sociologists are among the most conservative persons in the world today. Likewise, some sociologists may be quite sociable while others may be most difficult to get along with. Finally, for sociologists the term social means anything pertaining ûo social interaction, which includes political, economic, business, industrial, and professional aspects of society, although some sociologists may not like to specialize in such themes.

I. Origins of Sociology Although Ibn Khaldün introduced his Science of Society ('Ilm al'Irnran) in and around the year 778 A.H. I 1377 A.C., it is customary to trace the orþin of modern sociology back to the writings of the French philosopher, Auguste Comte (Dl2:L/73 A. H. / 1798-1857 A.C. ), who was born almost four hundred and fiffy years after Ibn Khaldun. Although there may be a few common points between the views of Ibn Khaldün and those of Comte, the discontinuity betrveen the Western sociological tradition and what could have become a full grown Islamic tradition of sociology has been almost complete. Even the belaæd discovery of Ibn Khaldün in the West cannot be crediæd to the efforts of Western sociologists; in fact, of all the Western social scientists, sociologists are perhaps most ignorant of Ibn Khaldün and his work today. This does not mean that a continuity between Ibn Khaldun and Comte could necessarily result in the enrichment of the Islamic tradition. Most plausibly, however, it could have saved contemporary sociology from its present extreme provincialism. There is little doubt that sociology, as it is practised and taught in schools of higher learning today, is intimately related to and is an intellectual product of its native post-industrial civilization. In its search of problems, in its methodology, in its world view, and in its biases, it reflects the impact upon its practitioners of the general \il'estern environment from which they derive their basic sustenance.

II. What Can We Learn from Sociology Today? Whatever its other weaknesses, sociology cannot be blamed for intellectual self-praise or self-serving induþnce. Within the domain of science, there is hardlya discipline more critical of itself. As the discipline is maturing with time, sociologists are spending a great amount of energy in tearing it apart. Sztompka (1399 I l9D: 3-22) has summarized more than twenty types of

Ilyas Ba-Yunus Tl5 criticisms that sociologists have made against sociology. They have denounced their job as "sorcery" (Andresþ 1392 I lg?),'a doctrine of hypocrisy and irresponsibility" (Gray, 1388 1968), and ,þseudo-science', (Kirk, l38l / t96l), to 'h bag of fads and foibles', (Sorokin, IïTS I 1956). Sociologists not only have criticized sociology, but have been perhaps the most potent critics of western civilization itself. whereas Durldreim (1370 / l95L) and Merton (1357 / 1938) spoke of anomie as inherent in the industrially developed and prosperous west, and Reisman (lrf2 t lg53) poinûed out the acute level of individuation from modern man's unending rat-race, Mills (lÍf5

/

I 1956) bemoaned

the accentuation of power mongering in conûemporary, com-

plex society. Likewise, sociological researchers and theories abound on such topics as mental sickness, suicide, crime, delinquency, criminal justice, divorce, unwed mothers, and racial and ethnic prejudice in western civilization. The rampancy of these problems in western civilization and their seeming incurability must be a lesson for those non-westerners in general and Muslimi in particular who, looking at the west from a distance, have been unduly impressed with its glamor. If a Muslim student in the west has learned this lesson, sociology has served him well. After all, comte conceived of his science of society mainly in orderto solve the compounding problems of his industrial-

ly developing civilization.

III.

Assumptions and Strategies

In introducing his'Social physicsl'comæ had two important motivations. One was his perception that industrial revolution had liberaæd forces that were playing havoc with society. second was his theory that a rational, rather than religious strategy, could be applied to alleviate these problems incorporating

þ

the methodology of physical and natural science in the service of social relationships. Aron (1Í187 I 1968,76:17) summarizes comte's position in these words: the method that has triumphed in mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry and biology must eventually prevail in politics and culminate in the founding of a positive science of society, which is called sociorogy." In this quest for a scientific status for sociology, comte received a great deal of support from a number of notable European social philosophers. Herbert spencer, for instance, was of the opinion that "there can be no complete acceptance of sociology as a science as long as the belief in a social order not conforming to natural law survives." (l3ll / 1994,394) This position was also explicitly taken up þ John stuart Mill, Emile Durrrfieim, Lesær ward, and vilfredo Þreto, ûo name just a few. This positive strain in sociology hit a responsive chord in America where, following the lead of Lester ward, sociology produced such þaper-and-pencil" empiricisß as George Lundberg,

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Islam: Source and Purpose of Knowledge

Samuel Stauffer, Clifford Shaw, and lately James Coleman and Ottis Dudley Duncan. As mentioned above, however, sociologists suffer from an acute discord among themselves. There are more disagreements than agreements Ítmong them. One area of disagreement pertains to this very issue i.e., the application of scientific empiricism in sociology. Despite Comte and a number of notables who followed him on this issue, there have been equally notable challengers of this view. Not the least important of these has been none other than Max Weber. Weber conceived of sociology as a science of social action which is to be explained by way of understanding the interpretive meanings

that the actor attaches to the environment. The action is social insofar as, by virnre of the subject meanings attached to it by the acting individual (or individuals), it takes account of the behavior of others and is thereby oriented in its course.

(Weter, 1366

/ 1947,88)

Because the inte¡preAtion of the actor camot be reached by empirical observation, experimentation or otherwise, sociology according to \Meber is fundamenally distinct and different from the natural-scientific disciplines. It is

a cultural science. Later, Alfred Vierkandt, a forerunner of modern phenomenology followed almost the same approach, and toward the beginning of this century, George Herbert Mead, a contemporary of Weber, almost independently introduced his social behaviorism also known as symbolic interactionism or simply as the interactionist approach. This has posed a most persisting challenge in America to the once dominant structural functionalism. (Ba-Yunus, 1401 / t98r,25-29) Both phenomenology and symbolic interactionism have focused on internal processes of thought, meanings, rationalizations, and justifications, which are supposed to be building blocls in the development of the visible and'bbjective" entity called action or act. There is little doubt that especially during the decade of the (1390's / l970's), empirical sociology, which followed the lead of physical and natural science, has come undgr severe attacks on both sides of the Atlantic. Literature in criminology and mental sickness as well as what has come to be known as ethnomethodology have been the greatest beneficiaries of this subjective emphasis in sociology. Despite their mutual opposition in sociological methodology, these views have one thing in common, and it is here that they may be vulnerable to the Islamicist attack. The element coÍrmon to these two is their perception of the relationship between man and his environment (natural as well as social). They both view these relationships in terms of mutual autonomy and maybe

Ilyas Ba-Yunus Tl7 even hostility. Taking off from this common assumption, however, the empiricists look at the environment as controlling individual persons and thus creating predictability in human action. Starting with the same assumption, the rationalists, on the other hand, look at man as being the master and the manipulator of the environment, thus rendering the scientific method in social enquiry untenable. In fact, we most question the initial assumption. From the Islamic point of view, man and his environment may not be two separate entities engaged in mutual conflict. Both man and his environment are Allah's creation. As I understand the principle of tawþldhere, man and his environment are united in the oneness of Allah. Ismã'îl al Fãruqi puts it more succintly: 'Perhaps the most distinctive characteristic of Islamic methodology is the principle of the unity of truth. This principle holds that truth is a modality of God and is inseparable from Him; and that truth is one just as God is one. Reality does not merely derive its existence from God Who is its Creator and ultimaæ cause; it derives its meanings and its values from His will which is its end and its ultimate purpose." (1401 I 1981, 13)

If we undersand this, it may not be difficult to assume that man and his environment, instead of being mutually exclusive and conflicting, are in fact two inûerdependent aspects of the Divine will, which, far from promoting mutual conflict, is actually the only source of harmony in the whole of creation. This model of harmony between man and his environment renders unnecessary the extreme positions aken by sociological methodologists. At times, environment may be seen as influencing man's judgement and his actions as well. The influence of parents over their children (even when they have grown up), the influence of teachers on their students, and the influence of "religious" or political leaders over their followers are all examples of man going along with (rather than being inexorably impinged upon by) environmental elements. Here application of statistical methodology may yield quiæ valid correlations. Likewise, there may not be anything invalid about discovering correlations, say, between family size and religion and/or income, migration, and income differentials; or between social disorganization and religious conversion. But, then, to insist that this is the only sôientifically valid mode of sociological enquiry would be too t¿ll a claim. The human person as a thinking, rationalizing, justiffing, and decision-making actor is quiæ capable of innovating and generating new ideas or of making a fool of himself as well. To resolve the controversy, one might say that when the environment has a great deal of consistency in its various elements, most often people tend to adopt to it and follow its guidelines. When the environment is itself inær-

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Islam: Source and Purpose of Knowledge

nally discordant, or is full of dilemmas, human rationality is actir¡ated and becomes available for analytical study.

fV. Centrifugal

Tendency

Discussion in the above section shows that Western sociologists may have a tendency to take extreme positions. Perhaps nowhere is this tendency more visible than in the theoretical views that sociologists have presented. In fact, when we look into the history of sociological development in America, it sounds almost like the story of the survival of the fittest. The interactionist approach or symbolic interactionism started around the turn of the century to begin with mainly as a coup dbøt against the then dominant behaviorism as preached by G. B. Watson in social psychology. This highly deterministic psychology was rejected by George Herbert Mead who lectured at Chicago for more than thirty years. As if reacting to Watsonian behaviorism, Mead devoted his whole academic career to preaching an extreme form of indeterminism. During his long ûeaching carrer, Mead was able to spread his views through his students and their students. Although Mead never wrote a book on the subject, his interactionist approach remained unchallenged for the first thirty-five years of this century due mainly to default. Besides his theory theoretical sociology was an almost empty field. Another important reason for the general acceptance of this approach, especially ¿rmong sociologists, was its comprehensiveness. Unlike other fields of social psychology, interactionism had the promise of enlarging its scope until it brought all of society as a complex interaction process within its grasp. Whatever its scope, the interactionist approach remained unequivocally tied to the idea of indeterminism and unpredictability in human action. This is so because the fundamental assumption of human psychology in Mead's view is that basically man has an impulsive character and that mainly in terms of this character he selectively experiences the environment. According to Mead, as man grows, his self-defined experience also grows and accumulates; and in order to satisff his impulses, man has to read through this experience. This review of his experience may be called his thought process. According to Mead, this thought process helps man make decisions one way or the othe¡ though it does not determine his decisions. According to him, the self is emergent during this very thought process-a p¡ocess of self-conversation *mind" which culminates in decision making. Seemingly so close to Weber's "cultural science", this'radical" indeterminism has yet to present a methodology that would match lrly'eber's technique of the "ideal type." Although it has generaæd some innovative research at the smallgroup level, symbolic interaction has yet ûo put its claim into practice, i.e.,

Ilyas Ba-Yunus 279

to

analyze society as a. nurcro process of interaction. Slow as it was, the growth of symbolic interactionism was almost terminated with the advent of structural functionalism in American sociology in the late 1930s. Deriving its basic inspiration from such European sociologists of repuûe as weber, Durkheim, Pareto, and Marshall, structural functionalism went a long way in re-uniffing sociology under its umbrella. yet at both the academic and personal levels it distanced itself from symbolic interactionism, which it considered to be a weak adversary and a dying creed. As Harvard university students of Tirlcott Farsons at Harvard spread around North America during this period, they, in their enthusiasm of being the adherents of a newly emerging field, did not feel like finding any common grounds between their views and those of the few remaining symbolic interactionists. The distance between the two grew wider until symbolic interaction was reduced to the muffled protests of Herbert Blumer, the heir apparent of George Herbert Mead. The new school of thought spread in America with a respectable aura of affiliation with Harvard, Yale, columbia, and princeton. Applying a broad deterministic formula, structural functionalists looked at society as an organic system which grows and gradually becomes more complex in the relationship of its interdependent substructures. In the final analysis these substructures, or institutions, are maintained by individual rore playing. The main job of research, then, is to disóover how individual roles are related to the institutional imperative and how developments in one substructure are related to developments in other substructures.

with their system orientation, structural functionalists became the,.scientific' justifiers of the western capitalist-democratic sysûem. The development of structural functionalism coincided with the continued political sability and economic prosperity in the west, especially in America during the 40's, 50's, and most of the 60's. what was particularly intriguing for these citizensociologists was the fact that the social system remains intact after all-in

spite of itself.

vy'ell entrenched in their prestigious ivory towers, structural functionalists failed to notice or accommodate three developments that took place during the almost thirty-five year history of their dominance in the sociological field.

First, a number of the adherents of the creed started showing signs of rupture within their ranla. For instance, while Kingsley Davis (1328 / rgsg) saw nothing new and different in this mode of analysis from what had been going on in sociology all along, Merton (1376 I 1957) called for refraining from'þrand theorization" and advocated his "middle-range" theories. second, symbolic interactionism refused to die and started moving again under the guise of "neo-chicagoans." Howard Becker's much applauded research on Becoming a Marijuana user (1373 I 1953) was seen as a proof of the fallacy of clinical and deterministic behavioral psychology. what went

280 Islam:

Source and Purpose of Knowledge

almost unnoticed was that Becker was advocating a research strategy and was redefining the very concept of motivation, both mainly in terms of the symbolic interactionist perspective. Especially in criminology, symbolic interactionists made deep inroads. While Matza (1176 I 1957, 1384 I I9&, 1388 / 1968) started his devastating attacks against structural-functional and other dêterministic positions, the so-called labelling approach appeared mainly as a result of the contributions of the neo-Chicagoans (See Becker, 1384 I 19&

and Matza, 1388

/

1968).

Third, the late 1380s / 1960's and the "radical" 1390's I I970's saw an almost uncritical import of the Marxist sociology, which had been gaining some grounds in Europe for quite some time. Although Karl Marx was basically an ideologue, his ideology was supposed to be based upon sound sociological assumptions. His historical and economic determinism notwithstanding, his views on class became a vanguard of the Marxist attack on the "conservativd' positions of structural functionalism. As against the assumption of consensus

in structural functionalism, the Marxists saw conflict

as being rampant

in society. Whereas structural functionalists saw law, along with mores and folkways, as the very defining feature of human society, Marxists saw these mainly as artifacts or tools manufactured by the more powerful in society in order to confirm their hold on the powerless. Crime was seen by the Marxists as a form of protest against the high-handedness of arbitrary legislation in society. In short, the sociological conflict between these two positions reflects a parallel with the political conflict between these two positions for the domination of the world. It should be clear that these political battles are not conducive to a sociological synthesis. Islamic doctrines however, could be used to create such a synthesis. For instance, the Islamic view of man is that he is determined to be responsible for his own actions. The whole system of sin and punishment in Islam rests on this descripion of human nature. Further, the nature of human history as described by the Qur'än is such that it alternates dialectically between good and evil. It looks almost as if Hegel, if not Marx, stole

the very notion of ideational conflict from the Qur'ãn. Finally, structuralfunctional analysis cannot be divorced from Islamic discourse on the very fundamental institutions of human society i.e., family, economy, and polity. In fact, the whole Islamic ideological analysis that exists today is basically systematic analysis. Thus, we see that the three mutually disputing schools of thought in contemporary sociology actually constitute three logical steps in the over-all design of Islamic strategy. Those who are engaged in the promotion of Islam have to be fully aware of the nature of man, which has the potential of oscillating between good and bad, and which itself is at least partially constrained by the very forces of conflict or consensus that it helps generate on a collective basis.

Ilyas Ba-Yunus

281

V. The Bias of Nativity science, particularly ofthe physical and natural variety, pursues universal laws which are found to govern a particular phenomenon. comte conceived of sociology as a prototype of natural science. He was wrong at least in one major respect. His vision of society remained limited to the problems that he wanted to seek solution for 'western society. Although some of his successors like Durkheim and weber have been more careful in this regard, by and large, sociology has continued to seek principles of human behavior, by whatever means, by focusing almost exclusively on \t'estern society. Human society is different from other physical and natural objects. whereas it does not make a difference for a chemist whether an element, say uranium, has come from canada or china, it does make a world of difference whether a marriage takes place in Germany or in Arabia. Those scientists who ignore this principle are guilty of extreme, even if unintended, ethnocentrism. with the exception of a very few, modern sociologists are guilty of this academic

nativism. There are several examples of this defect in modern sociology. Theories of crime and delinquency abound, for example, in the soviet union (connor, 1392 I 1972), in Pakistan (Ba-Yunus, 1396 / lg16), in Egypt (Hassan, l3g / L977) and in Indonesia (Bannisrer, 1393 I 193). Modern sociology has explained religion on the basis of experiences of the organized christian church and the sectarian dilemmas in western christianity. Naturally, such studies on religion are foreign to the sensibilities of people in non-Christian societies and even those of non-western christian societies. Major theories of social change are based on the aftermath of industrializationin Europe and America (for instance, Moore, 1393 I 193; Inkles, 1399 I lglg; Inkles and Smith, 1394 / 1974). These and similar views on social change have come under severe attack for being ideologically biased (Hechter, 1395 / 195; wallerstein, 1395 I 1975; Hill, 1395 / IqlÐ. At the same time, Portes, a major contriburor to modernization research, has attacked these theories for promoting counterproductive models of economic development (1393 / lg73). And when we shift our attention from non-western societies to Muslim societies, the situation seems even more disappointing. There is no tradition of an Islamic sociology today. sociologists who have spent a great deal of time and energy in analyzing and comparing socialist ideology with that of democratic capitalism, often fail to even recognize that Islam may provide an ideology that is different from the two warring ideologies as they exist in the world today and could even provide an alternative to it. seldom, if ever did they find time to devote to an analysis of Islam, and then they were misled by their own pre-existing biases. so was the case with none other than Max Weber himself. For instance Ttrrner writes:

282 Islam:

Source and Purpose of Knowledge

. . . In his observation on Islam and Muhammad, Weber was one of the first sociologists to abandon his own philosophical guidelines . . . On the one hand, Vy'eber provides a stimulating framework within which one can raise important theoretical issues in relation to Islamic development. On the other hand, Weber inconsistently applied principles which he declared were crucial to an adequate sociological approach. (1394 I 1974,3) Islam provided to mankind the civilization that immediately preceded the present Western one. Ignoring Islam or making biased judgements about it would not hurt it so much as it would the whole discipline of sociology, because sociology would benefit from a comparative analysis of the two civilizations so closely adjacent to each other in time.

VI.

Sociology for What?

Science generally proceeds in two major steps. First is the "purd'science which is the study of a given phenomenon as objectively as possible in order to discover the principles and laws that govern it. On the other hand, a large number of scientists today specialize in what is called "applied" science, which involves the use ofthe principles discovered in pure science in the controlled manipulation of phenomena. In most sciences, social sciences included, the controversy between'þurd' and the "applied" has become more than academic today. In all the physical sciences, applied aspects are now as important as are pure aspects, and this seems to be true even in the social sciences. Economists, psychologists, geographers, and even political scientists are more interested in application than in the results of pure research. Sociology, on the other hand, is a science that has kept this debate alive until today. It seems that sociologists have a kind of identity crisis with respect to this issue. The question of the application of sociological knowledge necessarily raises the question of values. Most sociologists, however, have preferred to remain value-neutral, i.e., they see their task as a technical one and themselves as scientific investþators who need not be concerned with the values that generated their studies or with the societal implications of the results. Or, as Couldner (1382 I 1962) pointed out, "today, all powers ofsociology from Parsons to Lundberg, have entered into a tacit alliance to bind us to the dogma'thou shalt not commit a value judgement." What is interesting is that no sociologist speaks out loudly in favor of 'þure" sociology. A quick glance, however, over a large number of the several respectable sociological journals in the field (The American Sociological Review,

Ilyas Ba-Yunus 283 The American Joumal of sociology, The sociar Forces, The European Journal of socíology, The Annals of the,Acadenty of social and political science, The Journal of Marriage and the Family, The canadian Journal of sociology, etc.) shows a preoccupation with pure sociology, especially in presenting new theories, criticizing existing theories, testing hypotheses and discoursing on methodological issues. It seems that what sociologists say only off the record is recorded only indirectly in their professional journals. This sociological dualism is also manifest in the practice of many sociologists to concentrate on tasks other than teaching and research. They seek and are given employment in business, industry, and pollcy planning. In such capacities, they use their knowledge to solve problems of drug addiction, crimé, delinquensy, urban congestion, city planning, family planning, industrial labor relations, and several other areas ofpractical significance. Thus, sociologists have served notonly as social analysts but also as planners and problem solvers. Their organizational or motivational techniques, however, are never made a part of academic sociology. consequently, these practical strategies are never passed on to the on-coming generations of sociologists in universities. Few societies in the world can afford to bear the cost of an academic

discipline that does not prepare its students for its application. American college graduates with an undergraduate major in sociology are no\ry beginning to feel this inadequacy in their discipline. Anrhropologists were quick to giasp

this problem during world war II when they developed the so-called ,.survival Kit," however dubious its value, for American soldiers fighting in far offand strange lands. sociologists were also employed by the American military during the war. "The American soldief series, which involved such sociologists of repute as sam stauffer and Robert Merton, heþd us understand the reason for the superior performance of the German and the Japanese soldier relative to his American counterpart. Likewise, sociologists were given huge grants to study the problems of American soldiers in Korea and vietnam. These sociologists, however, did not serve to boost the morale of the soldier; neither could they help develop any war strategies. what came out of these studies, however, is considered to be academically most valuable. The referenced group theory is to a very great extent an outcome of a world war tr series in sociõtogy. Generally, it has made no difference to which school of thought in sociology one belongs. Emphasis in research has always been on enhancing theoretical knowledge and not on developing straægies in order to solve chronic problems. Indeed, there have been significant protests against this dualism in sociology (for instance, Lynd, 1384 / 1964; Mills, 1379 / 1959; Becker, l3g7 I 1967; and Gouldner,l3gl I lgTl). Or, as Horowitz (13g5 / 1965: g) pur it, "who pays how much for what . . . best explains the dominant motif in American sociology." True, the emergence especially in the 1390 / rgrus, of critical and radicals

2U

Islam: Source and Purpose of Knowledge

sociolqgy (Freigbe¡g, l3g3 11973; Szymanski, 1391 I lgll; Strasser, 1396 I 196) reflects almost similar concerns. Such plotesß however have hardly made any dent in'mainstream" sociology in the past and they do not show much promise of doing so in future. Major sociological journals which are the main barometers of change as well as respectabillty in the field, are still firrnly under cont¡ol of the esablishment which continues to åvor and promote'purel sociology. From The Islamic point of view no knowledge is complete unless it serves it ultimate purpose which is to "Inviæ others touards good, establish good deeds and prohibit what is badi' (Qut'ãn, ÃI Imran (3): Oa) Thus, even if contemporary sociology comes out of its Wesærn mould, it would still not satisff Muslim sensibilities unless it is put to use in achieving what is implied by the above verse in the Qur'ãn.

An Islamic Critique

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Feb 6, 2007 - Additional services and information for ... (this article cites 8 articles hosted on the. Citations ... This might be best called the 'biocultural' approach to human ..... in the domain of anthropology (Huxley and Haddon, 1935: 60).