SSILA 2010

January 8, 2010

Accompaniment in Blackfoot and Yine Rebecca Hanson La Trobe University

Sara Johansson University of Calgary

[email protected] [email protected]

1.

Kim Meadows University of Calgary [email protected]

Introduction

Purpose: • describe properties of associative construction in Blackfoot and Yine • offer a preliminary unified analysis The Languages: • Blackfoot: Algonquian, Alberta, Montana. Siksika dialect. • Yine: Arawak, Peru. Urubamba dialect. The Associative Construction: (1)

My daughter worked with my son “subject”

• • •

“associate”

two participants co-operate in carrying out the action denoted by one verb valency increasing morphology introduces “associate” participant associate is grammatically an object but semantically subject-like o cf. ‘causative of involvement’ (Dixon 2000); ‘sociative causative’ (Shibatani and Pardeshi 2002); ‘associative / comitative applicative’ (Valenzuela 2003, Peterson 2007) o possible areal feature in South America (Guillaume and Rose, in press)

Background: Core argument cross-reference on verbs Blackfoot:





person, number and gender features of maximally two core arguments crossreferenced in verbal affixes; their respective roles are indicated through direct/inverse morphology verbal suffixes (“finals”) indicate transitivity of verb and animacy of S or O o Animate Intransitive (AI): S is animate o Inanimate Intransitive (II): S is inanimate o Transitive Animate (TA): O is animate o Transitive Inanimate (TI): O is inanimate -1-

Hanson, Johansson and Meadows Yine:

• •

A/S argument: prefix O argument: suffix

(2)

nsatoka n- satoka 1SGA- arrive ‘I arrive’

(3)

nniklu nnika -lu 1SGA- eat -3SGMO ‘I eat it’

2.

Associative formation

Blackfoot •

Transitive Animate verb final (-m) plus preverb ohpok- ‘with’ o both must be present for associative reading

(4)

Nitána a'po'takiwa. n- itán -wa a'po'taki -wa 1 daughter -3SG work (AI) -3SG ‘My daughter worked.’

(5)

Nitána iihpoká'po'takiimiiwa nohkóyi. n-itán -wa ii- ohpok- á'po'taki -m -yii - wa n-ohko -yi 1-daughter-3sg PAST- with- work(AI) -TA -3:4-3SG 1- son -4SG ‘My daughter worked with my son.’

Without associate

With associate

Yine • (6)

verbal prefix himtalpinata thalpi -na -ta 3SGF- swing -DUR -V ‘She was swinging (in a hammock).’

Without associate

-2-

Hanson, Johansson and Meadows (7)

3.

tumalpinatlu thim- halpi -na -ta -lu 3SGF- ASSOC- run -DUR -V -3sgm ‘She She was swinging with him (in a hammock).’ hammock)

With associate

Associative properties

Blackfoot • (8)

• (9)

associates must be sentient Na Mianni iihpoko'toomiiwa ni otapiimi. ann-wa M ii- ohpok- o'too -m -yii -wa ann-yi ot- atapiim -yi DEM-PROX.SG Mary PST-with with - arrive-TA-DIR -3SG DEM-OBV.SG 3- doll -OBV.SG ‘Mary arrived with her doll.’

associates must demonstrate volitional control Omahkmatapiwa iihpokmiistapokska'simiwa ni Pokaakii. omahk-matapi -wa ii-- ohpok-miistap -okska'si -m -yii -wa ann -yi yi Pokaakii big -person-3SG PST ST- with -away -run -TA -DIR-3SG DEM -OBV.SG Pokaakii ‘The giant ran away with Pokaakii’

-3-

Hanson, Johansson and Meadows

• (10)



(11)

associates cannot serve as associate of object Nitohpokayaaksihtaikimiwa na John omiksi maanipokaaiksi. Nit-ohpok-yaakihtsiki -m -yii -wa ann -wa John om -iksi maanipokaa-iksi 1- with -wrap.in.blankets -TA-DIR-3SG DEM -PROX John DEM-PL baby -PL ‘I wrapped babies in blankets with John.’

Simple Reciprocal (Levin 1993) interpretation not available o no thematic duality Na John iihpokaakohkimaamiwa ni Pokaakii. Ann-wa John ii- ohpok- waakohkimaa -m -yii -wa ann-yi Pokaakii DEM-PROX John PST-with- argue -TA -DIR -3SG DEM-OBV Pokaakii ‘John argued with Pokaakii (against someone else).’

-4-

Hanson, Johansson and Meadows

Summary: Blackfoot associative properties • • •

associates must be sentient and volitional (agentive role) no object associates (non-agentive role barred) no simple reciprocal interpretation (non-agentive role barred)

Yine •

associate not restricted to sentient or animate (neither are subjects)

(12)

(wanna halpokotatkalu … hikanopna) rumansatanrupna (wanna halpokotatkalu … hikanopna) ruhim- hansata -nu -lu -pa -na (they prepared … their skirts) 3SGMA- ASSC- dance -PRSP -NOMZ -PURP -3PL ‘(they prepared ... their skirts) in order to dance with them’

(13)

hixo nikchinni rumapoka wa mapkakletunanu [ hixo nikchi -ne -ni ]ASSOC ruhim- hapoka [ wa mapkakletu -nanu]SUBJ much game -PL -AFCT 3SGMA-ASSOC- arrive ART bad.shot -DSTR ‘the one who used to be a terrible shot arrived with lots of game meat / made lots of game meat arrive’

• (14)

Instrument associates are not possible *shishyapi rumerkanro [ shishapi ]ASSOC ruhim- herka -nu -lo scrub.brush(f) 3SGMA- ASSOC- wash -PRSP -3SGFO ‘He will wash/do washing with a scrub brush.’

-5-

Hanson, Johansson and Meadows cf. (15)



shishyapiyma rumerkanro [ shishyapi -yma]PP:INSTR rhim- herka -nu -lo scrub.brush -COM 3SGMA-ASSOC- wash -PRSP -3SGFO ‘With a scrub brush, he will do washing with her/he will help her do washing’

flexible interpretation in the absence of biasing context o unique to associatives

(6)

tumumetanno tuhim- himeta -nu -no 3SGFA- ASSOC- get.drunk -PRSP -1SGO ‘She will get drunk with me / I will get drunk with her.’

(7)

tumujhanno tuhim- hijha -nu -no 3SGFA- ASSOC- search -PRSP -1SGO ‘I will search with her / She will help me search / I will help her search’

• (16)

if a theme/patient is present, it must be shared by the subject and the associate wala numnikna wala n- him- nika -na 3SGF 1PLA- ASSOC- eat -3PL ‘I eat this (bird) with them (sharing the same meal).’

Comparable to Blackfoot:

• •

no object associates attested in Yine corpus reciprocal reading also unattested o but note: numakatsretanni ‘my teammate’ (cf. hakatsreka ‘kick’)

Summary: Yine associative properties • • • •

associates must be Actors in the event (no Instruments) interpretation of roles heavily influenced by factors outside the grammatical structure associate shares patient/theme with subject no object associates or reciprocal interpretation Interim conclusion: Associate is notional subject -6-

Hanson, Johansson and Meadows

4.

Obligatory spatio-temporal overlap



Blackfoot: associatives are ungrammatical if the location (16) and time (17) of subject’s and associate’s action is not identical

(17)

Na Maanikapi iihpokooyimi ni Pookaki. ann-wa Maanikapi ii- ohpok- ooyi -m -yii -wa ann-yi Pookaki DEM-PROX.SG Maanikapi PST- with- eat -TA -DIR -3SG DEM-OBV.SG Pookaki “Maanikapi ate with Pookaki.” (at the same table)

(18)

*Na Maanikapi iihpokooyimi ni Pookaki. ann-wa Maanikapi ii- ohpok- ooyi -m -yii -wa ann -yi Pookaki DEM-PROX.SG Maanikapi PST- with- eat -TA -DIR -3SG DEM -OBV.SG Pookaki “Maanikapi ate with Pookaki.” (in different homes)

(19)

*Na Maanikapiwa iihpokssinakimiwa ni Pookaki. ann-wa Maanikapi-wa ii-ohpok- ssinaki DEM-PROX.SG

Maanikapi -PROX.SG

PST- with-

-m -yii -wa ann-yi

Pookaki

wipe.hand -TA -DIR -3SG DEM-OBV.SG Pookaki

“Maanikapi cleaned the kitchen with Pookaki.” (where Maanikapi cleaned part of the kitchen in the morning, and Pookaki finished cleaning the kitchen at night)



Yine: associative construction entails shared location and time (unlike corresponding plural subject)

(20)

Wane mapa hohne numumkamtyalu wa Solji. wane mapa hohi -ne n- him- himka -m -ta -ya -lu wa Solji there three day -PL 1SGA- ASSOC- sleep -NON.DUR -V -APPL -3SGMO ART NAME ‘I slept with him for three days there in Solji.’

(21)

numumkamtyalu  n-him-himka-m-ta-ya-lu 1SGA-ASSOC-sleep-NON.DUR-APPL-3SGMO ‘I slept with him there’ 

wumkamtyatka w- himka -m -ta -ya -tka 1PLA- sleep -NON.DUR-V -APPL -PERF ‘We slept there’

Interim Conclusion: Associate is notional subject of same event as subject

5.

Summary

• •

one simple event is involved (full spatio-temporal overlap; shared theme) like other applicatives, associative construction introduce a new participant that is treated as a grammatical object ... o cross-referenced like O -7-

Hanson, Johansson and Meadows



... however, it has subject-like properties o the associate must conform to semantic restrictions on subjects o potentially mapped onto A argument o ban on object associate o reciprocal interpretation is not available (no Theme to reciprocate with)

6.

Proposed Analysis



associatives in Blackfoot and Yine represent a type of applicative that relates an ACTOR thematic role to the event following Pyllkanen (2008), either a subtype of Type 7, or a new Type. o high applicative: relates an individual to a single event o introduces an Actor - prototypically an external argument



Abbreviations AFCT - affected; APPL - applicative; ASSOC - associative; CMPV - completive; COM - comitative; DEM - demonstrative; DIR - direct; DSTR - distributive; DUR - durative; INV - inverse; NOMZ -

nominalizer; OBV - obviative; PERF - perfective; PROX - proximate; PRSP - prospective; PST - past PURP - purposive

References Dixon, R. M. W. 2000. A typology of causatives: form, syntax and meaning. In R. M. W Dixon and A. Y. Aikhenvald, eds. Changing Valency. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp30-83. Guillaume, A. and Rose, F., in press., "Sociative causative markers in South-American languages: a possible areal feature", in Mélanges de Linguistique Générale et de Typologie Linguistique, Floricic, F. (ed), Lyon, Presses de l’École Normale Supérieure Levin, B. 1993. English Verb Classes and Alternations: A preliminary investigation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Peterson, D. A. 2007. Applicative Constructions. Oxford Studies in Typology and Linguistic Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pyllkanen, L. 2008. Introducing Arguments. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press Shibatani, M. and P, Pardeshi. 2002. The causative continuum. In Masayoshi Shibatani (ed.) The Grammar of Causation and Interpersonal Manipulation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. pp.85-126. Valenzuela, P. M. 2003. Transitivity in Shipibo-Konibo Grammar. PhD dissertation, University of Oregon. -8-

Accompaniment in Blackfoot and Yine

i iihpoko'toomiiwa ni otapiimi. ohpok- o'too -m -yii -wa ann-yi ot- atapiim with - arrive-TA-DIR-3SG DEM-OBV.SG 3- doll ved with her doll.' iihpokmiistapokska'simiwa ni Pokaakii. - ohpok-miistap -okska'si -m -yii -wa ann -yi. ST- with -away -run -TA -DIR-3SG DEM -OBV ran away with Pokaakii' nson, Johansson and Meadows.

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